Category: Press Release

Regarding the Situation of Women and Girls in Ethiopia

For the 70th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women

Dear Members of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women,

We, the undersigned regional and international civil society organizations, write to express our deep concern about the persistent and widespread human rights abuses faced by women and girls across Ethiopia. As the international community gathers to discuss the Commission on the Status of Women, we bring to the attention of the Committee the importance of bringing the situation of women and girls across Ethiopia to the fore, including those impacted by the war and humanitarian crises.

War, Insecurity, and Gender-Based Violence

Women and girls in various parts of the country, including in Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, and Benishangul-Gumuz, have been significantly affected by war and insecurity. Reports indicate that conflict-related sexual violence has been noted in various parts of the country by the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF), Amhara Militia (Fano), and other armed actors, thereby requiring immediate action. Widespread abuses against women and girls across multiple regions have been documented by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human rights and multiple international human rights organizations, amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

These acts violate Geneva Conventions, particularly Common Article 3, as well as Additional Protocol II (applicable to NIAC) and the protections of civilians under the Fourth Geneva Convention, which prohibit violence against civilians, including rape, outrages upon personal dignity, and cruel treatment. When committed during armed conflict, these acts constitute war crimes under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and when they are widespread or systematic against a civilian population, they also constitute crimes against humanity under Article 7 of the same statute.

These abuses simultaneously violate International Human Rights Law (IHRL), including the prohibitions against torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the obligations to eliminate gender-based violence and discrimination under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

Humanitarian Crisis and Displacement

The humanitarian crisis in Ethiopia has impacted women and girls in a disproportionate manner. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, millions of people in Ethiopia need humanitarian aid due to conflict, drought, and displacement.

In displacement situations, women and girls are at a higher risk of gender-based violence and sexual exploitation. In these areas, access to essential services for women and girls is still limited.

The United Nations Population Fund has stated that humanitarian crises make women and girls more vulnerable to gender-based violence while reducing access to life-saving services for women and girls.

These constitute violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and International Human Rights Law (IHRL). Under IHL, parties to conflict must protect civilians from violence, including sexual violence, and ensure humane treatment. The denial of humanitarian assistance also violates IHL rules requiring the facilitation of impartial humanitarian relief for civilians in need.

Simultaneously, these conditions violate IHRL protections, including rights guaranteed under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), particularly obligations to protect women from gender-based violence and discrimination, as well as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which protect the rights to security, health, and an adequate standard of living.

Structural Inequality and Harmful Practices

Women and girls in Ethiopia are also subjected to various forms of structural discrimination and harmful practices. Gender inequality is one of the major challenges in Ethiopia in economic, political, and social spheres.

Women in Ethiopia still experience barriers in education, employment, and politics. Harmful practices like child marriage and female genital mutilation are still prevalent in Ethiopia.

This violates International Human Rights Law (IHRL). Under IHRL, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) obligates states to eliminate discrimination against women in political, economic, social, cultural, civil, and any other field and to modify social and cultural patterns that perpetuate gender inequality, including harmful practices that impair women’s rights and freedoms.

Similarly, international human rights bodies recognise that practices like female genital mutilation (FGM) and child marriage violate women and girls’ rights to equality, bodily integrity, health, security, and freedom from discrimination and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

Ethiopia is also party to key human rights treaties (such as CEDAW and the African Union’s Maputo Protocol) which explicitly require prohibition of harmful practices like FGM and child marriage and require states to protect women from discrimination.

Thus, these issues violate Ethiopia’s obligations under international human rights law by denying women and girls equal access to education, employment, participation in public life, and protection from harmful practices.

Impunity and Barriers to Justice

In spite of the magnitude of gender-based crimes, perpetrators are not held accountable for their actions. Survivors of sexual violence face challenges in reporting violations due to stigmatization, lack of protection, and limited access to justice mechanisms.

Meaningful accountability, and survivor-centered justice are crucial in preventing the recurrence of gender-based crimes and achieving lasting peace.

The failure to hold perpetrators accountable for gender‑based crimes , coupled with stigmatization, lack of protection, and limited access to justice for survivors , violates IHL’s war‑crime prohibitions on sexual violence and IHRL’s guarantees of non‑discrimination, due process, and effective remedy.

Women’s Participation in Peace and Governance

There is still low participation of women in peace and governance processes. Inclusive peace processes involve the meaningful participation of women at all levels of decision-making.

Research and international policy frameworks have emphasized the importance of the meaningful participation of women to bring about sustainable peace.

The underrepresentation of women in decision-making violates both international human rights law and principles of international humanitarian law that promote equality and protection of vulnerable groups.

Under international human rights law, it contravenes the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which guarantees women’s equal participation in political and public life.

It also violates the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security, which emphasizes the necessity of women’s full and meaningful participation in conflict prevention, peace negotiations, and governance to ensure sustainable peace.

Recommendations

In light of this, we urge the Committee to:

1. To formally request Ethiopia submit a special report on conflict-related sexual violence and the status of CEDAW implementation, with a specifc deadline.
2. Recommend that member states condition bilateral aid and development assistance on measurable progress in accountability for gender-based crimes.
3. Urge referral of documented violations to the ICC or support for an independent international investigative mechanism with a specific mandate on sexual and gender-based violence.
4. Call for targeted sanctions (travel bans, asset freezes) against military and political leaders credibly linked to sexual violence and GBV.
5. Recommend that the AU Peace and Security Council and the UN Human Rights Council establish a dedicated monitoring mechanism for gender-based violence in Ethiopia’s conflict zones.
6. Call on trade partners and international financial institutions to leverage economic relationships to press for compliance with international obligations.
7. Draw attention to the situation of women and girls in Ethiopia during CSW70
8. Support the provision of humanitarian assistance that prioritizes protection services, reproductive care, and psychosocial support for women and girls.
9. Encourage the meaningful engagement of women and women-led civil society organizations in rebuilding and governance processes.
10. Enhance the protection of women human rights defenders and civil society organizations.

The challenges women and girls face in Ethiopia need to receive attention and action from the international community. The fight against gender-based violence, accountability, and women’s participation in the peace and governance process are critical for the protection of human rights as well as the realization of lasting peace and development in the nation.

Respectfully,

1. Africans for the Horn of Africa Initiative (Af4HA)
2. Atrocities Watch Africa
3. The Commission of Inquiry on the Tigray Genocide
4. Down Syndrome Ethiopia
5. GEM Tigray
6. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
7. Harambee Collective
8. Health Professionals Network for Tigray (HPN4Tigray)
9. Omna Tigray
10. Oromo Legacy Leadership and Advocacy Association (OLLAA)
11. Tigray Accountability Coalition (TAC)
12. Umbrella for the Needy
13. Women with Disabilities Development Association of Tigray
14. Yikhono: A Movement To End Gender-Based Violence

Omna Tigray calls on the international community and the U.S. Congress to condemn this dangerous escalation ahead of Ethiopia’s 7th General Election

Omna Tigray condemns Ethiopia’s House of Federation’s (HoF) decision to remove five electoral districts—Humera, Adi Remets, Tselemti, Korem Ofla, and Raya Alamata—from Tigray’s regional oversight for the upcoming 7th General Election, scheduled for June 2, 2026. This decision, communicated to the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) in a letter dated February 3, 2026, represents a direct assault on the 2022 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA, Pretoria Agreement), Ethiopia’s constitutional framework, and the rights of the Tigrayan people.

The House of Federation has ordered that federal parliamentary elections in these five districts be conducted independently of both the Tigray and Amhara regional administrations until “administrative ownership” is resolved. Regional council elections have been suspended entirely. By treating constitutionally-recognized Tigrayan territory as “contested,” the Ethiopian government is once again legitimizing the continued occupation of approximately 40% of Tigray’s pre-war territory by non-Tigrayan armed forces—an occupation that has persisted since November 2020.

What This Decision Means

This is not a procedural matter. It is an attempt to formalize the ethnic cleansing of Western and Southern Tigray through an electoral framework. In the ethnic cleansing campaigns that have been a part of the genocidal war on Tigray, Amhara forces allied to the Ethiopian government  have forcibly displaced hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans and prevented them from returning home. Human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch, have extensively documented ongoing post-Pretoria Agreement displacement, forced expulsions, and systematic restrictions on the return of Tigrayan residents to Western and Southern Tigray. Holding elections in these areas without the return of displaced Tigrayans does not constitute democracy—it constitutes the electoral ratification of dispossession, ethnic cleansing, and genocide.

A main tenant of the Pretoria Agreement was the restoration of Tigray’s constitutional territorial integrity and the return of displaced populations. The House of Federation’s decision directly undermines these foundational commitments. As the President of the Tigray Interim Administration stated yesterday, this decision “openly contravenes both the Constitution and the Pretoria Agreement” and risks “grave and far-reaching consequences.” Tigray’s rejection of Abiy Ahmed cancelling the April 2020 national and regional elections was a main contributor to the start of the genocidal war on Tigray in November 2020. This decision by the House of Federation risks being the same.

A Unified Rejection Across Tigray’s Political Spectrum

It is significant that this decision has been rejected across Tigray’s entire political landscape. In addition to the condemnation from the Tigray Interim Administration, the Getachew Reda-led and Tigray Democratic Solidarity (Simret) has described the decision as “unconstitutional” and warned that it “crushes institutional independence” and amounts to “constitutional anarchy.” Simret has threatened to boycott the elections if the decision is not reversed. When a party led by the Prime Minister’s own advisor publicly denounces a federal decision as destabilizing, the gravity of the situation cannot be overstated.

An Alarming Pattern of Escalation

This decision does not exist in isolation. It comes amid a deeply alarming trajectory of developments that 20 human rights organizations have warned place Ethiopia “on the brink” of renewed large-scale conflict. As Omna Tigray detailed in our February 19 urgent call for peace, after years of the Ethiopian government failing to end the occupation of Western Tigray, fighting broke out in Tselemti on January 26. This was followed by Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) drone strikes that killed a civilian in Central Tigray on January 31, and since February 7 the ENDF has been mass-redeploying forces toward Tigray from Amhara and Oromia–where conflict has been ongoing. A Western diplomatic source told AFP the ENDF is “encircling Tigray,” while UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk warned the situation is “highly volatile.” In addition, three former senior Tigray military commanders have fled to Addis Ababa, and the Tigray Interim Administration publicly denied reports that it authorized federal troop deployments into the region. The TPLF’s legal status as a political party was revoked by NEBE in May 2025. WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus has publicly called for de-escalation in northern Ethiopia. 

Against this backdrop, the House of Federation’s decision to strip Tigray of electoral authority over its own territory is not merely destabilizing—it is a provocation.

Our Demands

Omna Tigray calls on the Ethiopian government to immediately reverse the House of Federation’s decision and restore the five electoral districts to Tigray’s regional administration in accordance with the pre-war constitutional framework.

We demand the full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, including the withdrawal of non-Tigrayan armed forces from all occupied territories, the safe and voluntary return of all displaced Tigrayans, and the restoration of Tigray’s constitutional territorial integrity before any elections are held in these areas.

We call on the United States Congress to publicly condemn this decision, to press the Ethiopian government on Pretoria Agreement compliance, and to use all available diplomatic tools—including conditions on security assistance and multilateral engagement—to prevent the further disenfranchisement of the Tigrayan people.

We urge the African Union, the European Union, and international mediators to intervene and ensure that the June 2026 elections do not become an instrument for legitimizing territorial seizure and ethnic cleansing.

We call on international election observation bodies to assess whether credible elections can be held in occupied territories where the original population has been expelled and is prevented from returning.

The people of Tigray did not survive a genocidal war only to have their homeland carved away through bureaucratic manipulation. Elections without the displaced population are not elections—they are the administrative completion of ethnic cleansing. The international community must not look away.

Omna Tigray issues this statement with profound urgency. Tensions between the Ethiopian government and Tigray’s leadership, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and Tigray’s Interim Administration, have reached a boiling point, with signs of an imminent full-scale war being declared on the horizon. The people of Tigray — who survived a genocidal war that killed between 600,000 and 800,000 people, displaced millions, and weaponized sexual violence and famine — cannot absorb another catastrophe. We demand that all parties step back from the brink immediately.

WHAT IS HAPPENING NOW

On January 26, fighting broke out in Tselemti in northwestern Tigray, followed by Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) entering Korem and Alamata on January 29. The Ethiopian government cancelled all flights to Tigray. On January 31, Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) drone strikes killed a civilian driver transporting food in Central Tigray. Since February 7, the ENDF has been mass-redeploying forces from Amhara and Oromia toward Tigray. A Western diplomatic source told AFP this week: “The ENDF is encircling Tigray. Such large numbers of troops positioning themselves face to face is not a good sign.” UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk has warned that the situation is “highly volatile” and called urgently for de-escalation and dialogue.

THIS HAS HAPPENED BEFORE. THE WORLD SAID NEVER AGAIN.

The intent behind the last war was stated openly. It was genocidal. EU Special Envoy Pekka Haavisto testified to the European Parliament in June 2021 that Ethiopian leaders told him directly they intended to “wipe out the Tigrayans for 100 years.” EU High Representative Borrell condemned “an atrocious war with hunger and sexual violence used as weapons” and demanded accountability. The US State Department formally determined that Eritrean and Amhara forces committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing against Tigrayans. Human Rights Watch warns that all risk factors for atrocity crimes remain present in Ethiopia today — and that no one has been held accountable. Up to 80% of Tigray’s population still requires emergency support. Tigray has never been allowed to recover. A new war would begin on a population that is already struggling to survive.

OUR DEMANDS

To the Ethiopian Federal Government: Immediately halt all military operations and the current troop buildup. Cease eliminationist rhetoric. Honor the 2022 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA, Pretoria Agreement) in full. Ensure unimpeded humanitarian access. Restrain, disarm, and demobilize Amhara and Fano forces in or near Tigray.

To Amhara regional forces and Fano militias: Stand down immediately. Withdraw from all Tigrayan territory. End the occupation of Western Tigray and allow displaced Tigrayans to return home.

To the Government of Eritrea: Withdraw all Eritrean Defense Forces from Tigrayan territory. Cease military buildup on the border. Publicly commit to non-intervention. Engage through the African Union — not through force.

To the Tigray Interim Regional Administration (TIRA): The Tigrayan people deserve transparent communication from their civilian government about the security threats they face. Activate emergency response systems. Pre-position emergency supplies and coordinate evacuation plans for vulnerable populations. Publicly advocate to the federal government and international community for de-escalation. Coordinate civilian protection measures with all actors. Ensure continued humanitarian access. Maintain open communication with all parties to prevent miscalculation. The Tigrayan people did not survive genocide to be kept in the dark. TIRA’s duty is to protect and inform the civilians it serves.

To the TPLF and Tigrayan Defense Forces:  The Tigrayan people did not survive a genocidal war to be led into another one. We demand that you publicly commit to a ceasefire and to AU-mediated negotiations immediately — and that you engage directly with international mediators, open communications with the Ethiopian federal government through every available channel, and re-enter the Pretoria Agreement implementation process. Exhaust diplomacy visibly and on the record. The Tigrayan people are not asking for war. They are asking for safety, return, justice, and reconstruction. Be transparent with them about what has been attempted and what has not. Your obligation is to the civilians of Tigray.

To the African Union: Convene emergency talks immediately. Appoint a special envoy. Enforce the CoHA you brokered, including demanding the withdrawal of Eritrean and Amhara forces.

To the United Nations, United States, European Union, and international community: Deploy envoys now. Statements are not enough. Make clear that civilian targeting, weaponized sexual violence, and humanitarian obstruction will have immediate consequences. Restore humanitarian funding. Revive independent human rights monitoring of Ethiopia. Not renewing the mandate of theInternational Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) because of pressure from the Ethiopian government  was a failure that cannot be repeated.

The world was warned before. In 2021, Haavisto delivered that warning in person to the European Parliament. The massacres, the rapes, and the famine came anyway. The Pretoria Agreement was signed over three years ago and never implemented. Hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans are still displaced. There is no more time for statements from those with the power and authority to effect change. We demand peace. We demand dialogue. We demand that Tigrayan lives be treated with the urgency they deserve.

We are watching. We are documenting. We will not be silent.

Five Years of Agony, Resilience, and the Unyielding Call for Justice
Security and Justice for Tigrayans (SJT), a global organization representing the Tigrayan diaspora, along with the undersigned organizations, solemnly commemorates the fifth anniversary of the Tigray Genocide — a brutal and calculated war of annihilation unleashed on November 4, 2020. We honor the memory of the victims, stand with the survivors, and reaffirm our unwavering commitment to justice and the global recognition of the crimes committed against the people of Tigray.

Five years have passed since the world first witnessed the horror unleashed upon the people of Tigray. Yet justice remains a distant dream, buried beneath layers of political indifference, calculated silence, and the cruel normalization of atrocity. This day is not only one of remembrance. It is a day of moral reckoning, a global call to confront the world’s failure to act against one of the gravest crimes of the 21st century: a genocide that shattered humanity and tore through the very fabric of human existence.

The architects in this genocidal war sought nothing less than the annihilation of an entire people. Close to a million innocent lives were mercilessly slaughtered — mothers, fathers, children, and elders — all extinguished simply for being Tigrayans. Their lives were cut short in the most unimaginable and horrific ways, leaving behind a legacy of collective trauma and unspeakable sorrow. The echoes of their silenced voices still drift through the wind — a haunting testament to humanity’s boundless cruelty and the world’s heartbreaking indifference.

Approximately 2.2 million people were uprooted and internally displaced from their homes, cast into a relentless struggle for survival. Nearly 70,000 fled through hunger, disease, and despair in search of refuge in Sudan. Five years later, they remain trapped in tattered tents and squalid settlements, enduring unimaginable misery — exposed to communicable diseases and the harsh extremes of weather: rain, flood, cold, and scorching heat. Their days are marked by hunger, their nights by fear — surviving not through aid or justice, but through the sheer will to live in a world that has turned its back on them.

Families have been torn apart—their loved ones swallowed by mass graves or the endless abyss of displacement. Mothers still wait for sons and daughters who will never return. Children still search for parents whose names have been erased from the living. The crimes continue, moving from one heartbreaking act to another. A recent report by the Commission of Inquiry on the Tigray Genocide, titled “A Report on War-Induced Genocidal Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in Tigray, Ethiopia,” revealed devastating findings: 59.5% of respondents (286,250 out of 481,201) experienced at least one form of gender-based violence, and 58.2% of these survivors (166,621 out of 286,250) were subjected to horrific acts of sexual violence. These include sexual slavery and gang rapes so brutal, so inhumane, and so systematic that they defy human comprehension—the victims’ bodies turned into instruments of humiliation, their pain weaponized in a war against identity itself.

Entire towns and villages were reduced to ashes, and Tigray’s civilization — its ancient churches, sacred manuscripts, and rich cultural heritage — was methodically targeted for erasure. This was not merely a war on a people, but an assault on memory, dignity, and existence itself — an attempt to erase centuries of history and silence the very soul of Tigray.

Tigray’s economic infrastructure was deliberately destroyed, vandalized, and plundered. Factories were stripped bare, food grains were burned, hospitals and schools were destroyed and looted, and public institutions dismantled with ruthless intent. The engines of livelihood and progress — painstakingly built over generations — were reduced to ruins. It was a campaign not only to kill the people, but to crush their capacity to recover, leaving behind a landscape of desolation and despair where hope itself was meant to perish. And yet, five years on, the perpetrators of these atrocities walk free. The blood of innocents still cries out from the soil of Tigray — but the world has chosen silence over justice, and indifference over moral courage.

Pretoria’s False Peace: Silence Without Justice
It has been three years since the Pretoria Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) was signed — an accord that promised peace, accountability, and relief for a war-weary people. But instead of peace, the agreement has become a veil for continued suffering.

Yes, the guns may have fallen silent, but the violence endures in cruel and insidious forms — through starvation, displacement, and calculated political sabotage designed to fracture Tigray’s unity and force its people into submission and humiliation. The promises of the Pretoria CoHA have been utterly betrayed — smothered by inaction, deceit, and willful neglect. Five years on, hundreds of thousands of IDPs remain trapped in camps, unable to return to their homes. Tigray’s territorial integrity remains violated, with vast regions still under the control of invading forces who continue to commit brutal crimes with complete impunity. Eighty percent of schools and healthcare facilities lie in ruins. Children have been denied education for years, their future held hostage by the world’s neglect.

In the aftermath of the CoHA, Tigray’s wounds still bleed. Its recovery remains crippled by global indifference and the world’s failure to act with conscience. The CoHA did not bring peace; it delivered a quieter torment — a slow, suffocating continuation of war by other means. It has become a calculated campaign to break a people’s spirit without the echo of gunfire, to silence Tigray through starvation, isolation, and despair.

To the dismay of many, the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) terminated the International
Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) — the only independent body mandated to investigate the atrocities committed in Tigray. This decision is a lasting stain on the conscience of the international community. ICHREE represented a glimmer of hope for victims seeking truth and accountability for crimes committed by Ethiopian, Eritrean, and Amhara forces and militias. Its abrupt termination, and the subsequent transfer of “investigations” to the very perpetrators, is not only unconscionable but an act of complicity in injustice. This dereliction of duty by the UNHRC reveals a grim truth: global institutions once created to defend human rights have become instruments of appeasement. Allowing perpetrators to investigate themselves is a mockery of justice and a betrayal of every victim whose blood still stains the soil of Tigray.

A Call to the Conscience of Humanity
As we mark the fifth year of the Tigray Genocide, we refuse to let memory fade into silence. We refuse to accept impunity as the world’s response to genocide. We refuse to let Tigray’s suffering become a forgotten tragedy.

This commemoration is not only about the pain endured — it is about the unbreakable spirit of the Tigrayan people. Despite unimaginable suffering, Tigrayans continue to rise with dignity, courage, and faith in justice. Their resilience is an indictment of global indifference and a testament to the endurance of hope against all odds.

Our Demands to the International Community
We, the undersigned, call upon the international community to act decisively — not with words, but with meaningful and immediate action:

1. Reinstate the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) and empower it to conduct an independent, thorough, and impartial investigation into the Tigray Genocide. Justice cannot be delegated to perpetrators.
2. Enforce the full implementation of the Pretoria CoHA — including the withdrawal of invading forces from Tigray, the restoration of its constitutional borders, and the protection of its people from continued aggression.
3. Guarantee the safe, voluntary return and reintegration of displaced people with full humanitarian access, protection, and support to rebuild their lives and communities.
4. Launch a globally coordinated reconstruction initiative for Tigray, prioritizing healthcare, education,
5. housing, and livelihoods — to rebuild not only structures, but shattered lives.

Five Years On: The Moral Verdict Is Clear
Five years after the genocide began, the people of Tigray still await justice. Their suffering stands as a mirror to our collective humanity — a test of whether the world truly means the words “never again.” History will judge those who remained silent in the face of genocide. But it will also remember those who spoke out, who stood firm, and who refused to let truth be buried beneath the rubble of politics and indifference.

Let this fifth anniversary not be another year of mourning alone — but the beginning of renewed global solidarity, accountability, and moral awakening.

The world must act — not tomorrow, not someday — but now.

Signatories:

1. Security and Justice for Tigrayans (SJT)
2. Omna Tigray
3. DMV Tigray Taskforce
4. Tigray Community Association DMV
5. Union of Tigrayans in North America (UTNA)
6. Tigray Women Association DMV
7. Tigray Disaster Relief Fund
8. Health Professionals Network for Tigray (HPN4Tigray)
9. Irob Anina Civil Society
10. Tigray Art Collective
11. Extending Access & Systems Enhancement (EASE)

A growing coalition of civil society organizations are sounding the alarm on an unfolding humanitarian crisis in Libya, where thousands of Black refugees and migrants—many of them survivors of war and genocide—are being hunted, arrested, tortured, and even killed in a wave of state-sanctioned racist violence.

Over the past two weeks, Libya has seen a sharp escalation in attacks on Black people. Backed by state security forces and emboldened by racist rhetoric from senior officials in the Libyan Government of National Unity (GNU), militias and civilians have launched coordinated raids across cities including Tripoli, Sabrata, Janzour, Misrata, and Ghut Shaal. Homes have been stormed, people violently arrested, and entire neighborhoods targeted. Shops owned by African migrants have been looted or destroyed. Mass detentions are taking place, with people being sent to notorious detention centers and military camps.

More than 10,000 Tigrayan refugees—Black survivors of the ongoing genocide in Ethiopia’s Tigray region—are now trapped in Libya, living in overcrowded, hidden homes in fear for their lives. Among them are approximately 250 Irob Tigrayans, a particularly at-risk minority. In the past week alone, four Irob refugees have died in hiding. Others have been forced to pay exorbitant sums just to quietly dispose of the bodies, fearing that the smell could give away their location and lead to arrest or execution.

The situation is rapidly deteriorating. Refugees report being told by authorities and neighbors that all Black people must leave Libya within three months or face death. The holy month of Ramadan, during which violence has temporarily abated, is drawing to a close—and there are credible fears that attacks will escalate sharply in its aftermath.

At the same time, escape routes are virtually nonexistent. Tunisia and other neighboring states have violently closed their borders to refugees. Attempts to flee by sea through the Mediterranean carry the risk of drowning, extortion, or pushbacks. Traffickers are exploiting the desperation of refugees by demanding thousands of dollars for passage.

This crisis is not unfolding in a vacuum. The European Union bears direct responsibility. Through its migration policy and deals with Libya, the EU has armed, trained, and politically supported the very actors now carrying out atrocities—including the Directorate to Combat Illegal Migration (DCIM), RADA forces, and the Libyan Coast Guard. These relationships have enabled systematic torture, detention, enslavement, and now, racist violence.

We, the undersigned organizations, demand immediate action:

1. Emergency Evacuation and Repatriation
   Refugees at risk in Libya—especially Black refugees from Tigray and other conflict-affected regions—must be safely evacuated in cooperation with willing African countries and international partners.
   
2. International Condemnation and Investigation
   The UN, African Union, and international human rights bodies must launch independent investigations into these crimes, publicly condemn the Libyan government’s actions, and hold perpetrators accountable.
   
3. End EU Complicity
   European Union member states must immediately end their support for Libyan security forces involved in human rights abuses and prioritize refugee protection over militarized border enforcement.
   
4. UN and UNHCR Accountability
   We call on UNHCR and the broader UN system to act with urgency and transparency. Passive complicity or inaction is not acceptable. Lives are being lost every day.
   

These are not isolated incidents. This is a coordinated, racially motivated campaign of violence that may amount to crimes against humanity. Refugees and migrants are not just statistics—they are survivors, families, children, human beings. They deserve protection, not persecution. Silence is complicity.

We will not be silent. The time to act is now.

Signed:

1. Solidarity with Refugees in Libya
2. Omna Tigray
3. Irob Anina Civil Society 
4. Tigrai Global Advocacy Group (TGAG)
5. Security and Justice for Tigray
6. Eritrean Initiative on Refugee Rights 
7. Tigray Youth Network 
8. Rise Up for Tigray 
9. Agora 
10. Center for Strategic Litigation
11. The Swaziland Litigation Centre (SLC)
12.  Ethiopian Canadians for Peace
13. Security and Justice for Tigrayans (SJT)
14. Yikhono: A Movement To End Gender-Based Violence 
15. East Africa Feminist Peace Network – FemPeaceEA
16. United4Eritrea

We, as Tigrayan Civil Society Organizations, are deeply alarmed by the Ethiopian federal government’s continued failure to fully implement the Pretoria Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA). This failure has become the central driver of the instability, human rights abuses, and political fragmentation plaguing Tigray today.

More than two years after the agreement was signed, the Ethiopian government has failed to meet its core obligations. Internally displaced Tigrayans remain unable to return to their homes, particularly in Western, Southern, and Northern Tigray, which are still under the control of Amhara regional forces and Eritrean troops. These occupying forces, which played a central role in the genocidal war against Tigrayans, continue to carry out grave abuses, including sexual violence, arbitrary arrests, abductions, torture, and land seizures. The government’s refusal to enforce the withdrawal of these forces directly violates the agreement and prolongs the suffering of displaced Tigrayans amid a humanitarian crisis. This selective and partial implementation of the Pretoria Agreement has left key issues unresolved—territorial occupation, forced displacement, and lack of justice—creating fertile ground for division and instability within Tigray. In recent weeks, the region has experienced alarming political turmoil, including the alleged use of force to seize public offices and reported human rights violations against civilians requiring investigation.

Additionally, Tigrayan officials over the last two years have failed to assert the Pretoria Agreement’s core demands, instead deflecting responsibility and downplaying the ongoing occupation of Tigrayan territories. This failure of leadership, compounded by the federal government’s inaction, has fueled internal fragmentation and deepened the crisis. The recent increased tensions are not isolated incidents, but symptoms of a broader collapse of political will to protect the rights and interests of the Tigrayan people. The federal government’s broken promises have not only left Tigray vulnerable but have also eroded faith in peace and governance.

Complicating matters is the presence and involvement of Eritrea in Tigray. We categorically reject any interference by the Government of Eritrea in the internal affairs of Tigray. Eritrea was a key perpetrator in the genocide against Tigrayans and continues to be a major destabilizing force through its occupation of Irob and other northern areas along the border with Eritrea. Its presence not only violates the Pretoria Agreement but actively obstructs peace and recovery.

The threat of renewed conflict also remains dangerously real. The growing tensions between the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments risk escalating into a broader military conflict. Any renewed war between these two states would have devastating consequences for Tigray, which remains militarily weakened, politically divided, and under foreign occupation. The people of Tigray must not be made to suffer once again as collateral in a conflict they did not choose. It would be catastrophic for a region still reeling from the devastating 2020–2022 war and enduring a silent genocide and humanitarian crisis. Peace cannot be built on unstable foundations, and the failure to address the root causes of the conflict risks plunging Tigray back into violence. Preventing another war requires urgent diplomacy, restraint, and are commitment to peace by all parties.

While we place primary responsibility on the Ethiopian government for failing to uphold the agreement, we also call on all segments of Tigray’s leadership to recognize the existential threats facing the region and to rise above internal divisions. We urge them to prioritize the rights, safety, and dignity of the Tigrayan people and to recommit to peace, unity, and accountability.

The only path forward is a full and just implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, which must include:

1. The immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all occupying forces from Tigrayan territory, including Amhara militias and Eritrean troops.
2. The safe, voluntary, and dignified return of all internally displaced persons (IDPs).
3. Urgent humanitarian intervention to address the suffering of displaced communities and provide safe and dignified pathways for their return.
4. A credible justice process for the crimes committed during the genocidal war.
5. Transparent political dialogue and inclusive governance led by and for the people of Tigray.
6. Independent international oversight to ensure compliance and protect human rights.

The people of Tigray deserve peace, justice, and the right to live free from occupation and fear. The Pretoria Agreement promised that future—its full implementation is the only way to make it real.

Signatories:

1. Irob Anina Civil Society
2. Omna Tigray
3. Security and Justice for Tigrayans (SJT)
4. Tigray Youth Network (TYN)
5. Umbrella For The Needy
6. Australia Tigray Alliance
7. Yikhono: A Movement to End Gender-based Violence
8. Manitoba Tegaru Youth Network
9. Voice for Democracy and Social Justice
10. Giving Back to Our Roots
11. Security and Justice for Tigrayans Canada (SJTC)
12. Tigrayan Association in North Italy (ማሕበር ተጋሩ ሰሜን ኢጣልያ)
13. Vereniging van Ethiopische Tigreërs in Nederland
14. Vereniging Tigrai Development Association in Nederland (TDA NL)
15. Dekna Foundation
16. Vereniging Van Tigray Nederland
17. Tigrayan Women Association in Netherlands
18. The Union of Tigreans in Belgium (UTB)
19. Tri-State Tegaru

ንስምምዕ ፕሪቶሪያ ስዒቡ ኵነታት ፖለቲካ ትግራይ እናተመሓየሸ ዘይኰነስ፤ እናተጋደደ ካብ ዝሓመቐ ናብ ዝኸፈአ፣ ክለዋወጥ ይርአ ኣሎ። እዚ ድማ ንዅሉ ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ደገን ዘሎ ትግራዋይ ዘሻቕልን ዘተሓሳስብን ጕዳይ ኰይኑ ይርከብ። ብፍላይ ካብ ቀረባ እዋናት ንነዘ፣ ብጕጅለን ብኸባቢን እናተኸፋፈልካ ነንባዕልኻ ናብ ምንቛር ዝወስድ ምልክታት ብሰፊሑ ይርአ ኣሎ። እዚ ኣካይዳ ንትግራይ ኵለመዳያዊ ዓቕማ ዘዳኽምን ክትወፆ ናብ ዘይትኽእል ዓዘቕቲ ዘእትውን ብምዃኑ፤ ማሕበረ ሰብና ተረጋጊዑ፤ ነዚ ኣጋጢሙ ዘሎ ቅልዉላው ብስምዒት ዘይኰነስ ስኽን ኢሉ ከስተውዕሎን መትከላዊ ሓድነት ፈጢሩ ዘላቂ ሰላምን ምርግጋዕን ንኽመፅእ እጃሙ ኸበርክት ንላቦ።

ኵሎም ኣብ ትግራይ ዝነጥፉ ፖለቲካዊ ውዳበታት፣ ኣዘዝቲ ሰራዊት ትግራይ፣ ብፍላይ ኣመራርሓ ህወሓትን ጊዝያዊ ምምሕዳርንድማ ንድሌትን ባህግን ህዝቢ ትግራይ ቀዳምነት ሂቦም ንኽሰርሑን፤ ዘለዉ ኣፈላላያት ህላወን ድሕንነትን ህዝቢ ብዘየጓድልመልክዑ ዝፍተሕሎም መዳያት ብህፁፅ ከናድዩ ኣትሪርና ንፅውዕ። ትግራይ ኣብ’ዚ ሕዚ ሰዓት ሕውየትን ሰላምን እምበር ኲናትንወረ ኲናትን ኣየድልያን።

ብሚልዮናት ዝቁፀር ህዝብና ካብ መረበቱ ተመዛቢሉ ንዓመታት ኣብ ኬንዳታት፣ መዓስከራት ሱዳንን ካልኦት ከባብታትንብሕማምን ጥምየትን ዝሳቐ ዘሎ ህዝብና ናብ መረበቱ ንኽምለስ ዘኽእል ፍታሕ ኣብ ምንዳይ ብትኹረት ክስርሓሉ ይግባእ። ካብ’ዚ ብተወሳኺ ኣብ ትሕቲ ፀላኢ ዘሎ ህዝብናን ግዝኣታዊ መሬትናን ንኽምለስ፤ ብፍላይ ኣብ ምዕራብ ትግራይ፣ ኢሮብንካልኦት ተዋሰንቲ ከባብታት ትግራይ ዝነብር ህዝቢ ሕፁፅ ቆላሕታ ንኽግበረሉ ንፅውዕ። ኣብ ፅንተት መንነት (Genocide)ትግራይ፣ ዝበፅሐ ኵሉ ዓይነት ዕንወት ገና ከይሓወየ፤ ዝተፈፀመ ጠቕላላ ግፍዕን በደልን እዚ ዝብሃል ፍትሒ ከይረኸበንተሓታትነት ገና ከይተረጋገፀን ህዝቢ ናብ ካልኣይ ዙር ህልቂት ኵናት ምእታው ህዝቢ ትግራይ ዘይግብኦን ዘይፃወሮን እዩ። ስለ’ዚ መራሕቲ፣ ካብ ፖለቲካዊ ዘይምቅዳውን ምትፍናን ወፅዮም፤ ኣብ ረብሓ፣ ህልውናን ድሕንነትን ትግራይ ብሓድነት ክሰርሑንነቲ ተፈጢሩ ዘሎ ኣፈላላይ ብሰላማዊ ልዝብ ክኣልዮን ፤ በዚ ኣቢሎም ድማ ንህዝቢ ካብ’ቲ ኣንፀላልዩ ዘሎ ሓደጋ ኵናትናይምድሓን ታሪኻዊ ሓላፍነቶም ክፍፅሙ ኣትሪርና ንፅውዕ።

ሰላምን ራህዋን ንህዝብና!

ሽም ዝርዝር ፈረምቲ ማሕበራት

1. Irob Anina Civil Society
2. Omna Tigray
3. Security and Justice for Tigrayans (SJT)
4. Tigray Youth Network (TYN)
5. Umbrella For The Needy
6. Australia Tigray Alliance
7. Yikhono: A Movement to End Gender-based Violence
8. Manitoba Tegaru Youth Network
9. Voice for Democracy and Social Justice
10. Giving Back to Our Roots
11. Security and Justice for Tigrayans Canada (SJTC)
12. Tigrayan Association in North Italy (ማሕበር ተጋሩ ሰሜን ኢጣልያ)
13. Vereniging van Ethiopische Tigreërs in Nederland
14. Vereniging Tigrai Development Association in Nederland (TDA NL)
15. Dekna Foundation
16. Vereniging Van Tigray Nederland
17. Tigrayan Women Association in Netherlands
18. The Union of Tigreans in Belgium (UTB)
19. Tri-State Tegaru

This document, compiled by the undersigned organizations, provides a summary of submissions made by civil society organizations in relation to Ethiopia’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) during the upcoming 47th session of the UPR Working Group. It highlights critical impediments to justice and accountability in Ethiopia and provides key recommendations for the government.

Sincerely,

• Irob Anina Civil Society
• Peace & Justice for Tigreans International
• Oromo Legacy Leadership & Advocacy Association
• Health Professionals Network for Tigray
• Security and Justice for Tigrayans Canada
• Legacy Tigray
• Ethiopian Canadians for Peace
• Organization for Justice and Accountability in the Horn of Africa
• Omna Tigray
• Physicians for Human Rights
• Legal Action Worldwide
• International Bar Associations Human Rights Institute
• Coalition for Genocide Response
• Human Rights Watch
• Amnesty International
• The Center for Justice & Accountability
• Civicus
• Global Center for the Responsibility to Protect
• International Human Rights Clinic, University of Virginia School of Law
• Victim Advocates International
• International Service for Human Rights

Despite the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) on November 2, 2022, ongoing violence against Tigrayan women and girls persists. The lack of upholding the terms of the agreement, signed between the Ethiopian federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, causes deep concern. The CoHA aimed to restore peace in Tigray and end the humanitarian crisis, but its key provisions remain unfulfilled perpetuating the genocide and severe human rights abuses in the region.

We stand in solidarity with survivors of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) and fully support the participants of the large demonstration held on Tuesday, June 25, in Mekelle. Women courageously demanded an end to violence against women in the region, calling for justice for victims of sexual violence, kidnappings, and other abuses. 

Since the signing of the CoHA the expected cessation of violence, withdrawal of Eritrean and Amhara forces, and humanitarian relief have regrettably failed to materialize. This failure not only jeopardizes the fragile peace in Tigray but also prolongs the suffering of its people. In 2023, Physicians for Human Rights and the Organization for Justice and Accountability in the Horn of Africa meticulously reviewed 304 medical records documenting conflict-related sexual violence. Their findings grimly revealed 128 cases of rape occurring after the CoHA, highlighting the persistent and brutal sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in Tigray, particularly in areas occupied by Eritrean forces.

The escalating crisis in Tigray has reached alarming levels with reports of targeted attacks on Tigrayan women, exacerbating an already dire humanitarian situation. Since the conflict began, the breakdown of societal structures and the release of prisoners by opposing forces have left Tigrayan women particularly vulnerable to SGBV. Many of these released prisoners, known perpetrators of past atrocities, are now roaming freely, perpetuating fear and trauma among the civilian population. The aftermath of genocide has unleashed a wave of violence against women, compounding the suffering of those already grappling with displacement, food insecurity, and limited access to essential services.

The impact of these atrocities on society is profound and devastating. Many survivors of SGBV experience rejection from their families and communities due to the stigma and harassment they face, often fearing ostracization or forced concealment of their trauma. Medical professionals, counselors, nuns, and priests report a troubling trend where many men reject wives who have been raped, especially those with children born of rape, further isolating survivors and intensifying their suffering.

Given the ongoing systematic SGBV in occupied Tigray, the severe lack of psychosocial and medical support for survivors, and the absence of justice and accountability, we call on all stakeholders to ensure the full implementation of the 2022 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement, expand survivor-centered medical and psychosocial support for survivors, support ongoing impartial documentation and accountability mechanisms, and establish a mechanism to drive justice and accountability in Tigray to complement and extend the victim-trusted work of the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE). Omna Tigray urges the international community to act decisively to end the violence against Tigrayan women and girls and to hold the perpetrators accountable. 

​​The international community must act swiftly and decisively to protect Tigrayan women and vulnerable populations from further harm and to ensure justice for victims of these egregious attacks. The urgent need for humanitarian intervention and accountability cannot be overstated as Tigray’s situation continues to deteriorate.

The Honorable Antony J. Blinken
Secretary of State
2201 C Street NW
Washington, D.C. 20520

Dear Secretary Blinken,

We are writing to express ongoing concerns regarding the lack of implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, which was signed on November 2, 2022, and formally ended the 2-year conflict between the Ethiopian government and the TPLF.

As we celebrate World Refugee Day this week, we are particularly concerned about the continued desperate situation of those who remain displaced by the war. During the war in northern Ethiopia, nearly 3 million people¹ were displaced by conflict across the Afar, Amhara, and Tigray regions. Included in this number were an estimated 1.2 million² ethnic Tigrayans who were victims of a targeted campaign of forced displacement in western Tigray³. The Tigray region’s western and southern zones have been the center of a long-running territorial dispute⁴ with the neighboring Amhara region. During the 2020-2022 conflict, Amhara forces, fighting alongside the Ethiopian and Eritrean armies, annexed these areas and began a campaign⁵ of violence,⁶ leading to widespread displacement of ethnic Tigrayans. In March 2023, you determined⁷ that “members of the Amhara forces also committed the crime against humanity of deportation or forcible transfer and committed ethnic cleansing in western Tigray.”

In July 2021, you sought⁸ affirmation from Prime Minister Abiy that “neither the internal nor external borders of Ethiopia will be changed by force or in contravention of the constitution.”
Article 5 of the Pretoria Agreement mandates⁹ that the Ethiopian government shall “facilitate the return and reintegration of internally displaced persons and refugees.” The November 12, 2022, Nairobi Declaration¹⁰ on the modalities for the implementation of the Pretoria Agreement requires the removal of “foreign and non-ENDF forces” from the Tigray region. Almost 20 months after the signing of the agreement, 70,000 Ethiopian refugees¹¹, mostly from western Tigray¹², remain in refugee camps in Sudan, and close to one million people¹³ remain displaced living in in the rest of Tigray. An illegal¹⁴ administration is still in place in western Tigray, the leadership of which has been accused of orchestrating the ethnic cleansing campaign against Tigrayans and has vowed to prevent Tigrayan IDPs from returning home¹⁵. Additionally, Eritrean troops continue to occupy Ethiopian territory in the Irob¹⁶, Gulomakeda¹⁷, and Tahtay Adiyabo¹⁸ districts of the Tigray region, where they have harassed and displaced residents unabated. A recent Refugees International report¹⁹ detailed the dire conditions facing Tigray’s displaced population, and hundreds²⁰ of hunger deaths²¹ have been recorded in Tigray’s IDP camps since the end of the conflict.

As an observer and guarantor of the Pretoria Agreement, the U.S. must ensure further implementation is not delayed. We urge you to affirm that the withdrawal of foreign and non-ENDF forces from Tigray, the swift and safe return of IDPs, and justice and accountability are necessary conditions for the fulfillment of the Pretoria Agreement and the normalization of relations with the Ethiopian government. To that end, we encourage you to take the following steps.

1. In addition to your March 2023 determination, we ask you to make a determination on whether members of the civilian leadership of the Amhara regional government, the federal government, or the ENDF, also facilitated or participated in the ethnic cleansing of civilians from western Tigray. We also ask that the State Department investigate reports of ongoing ethnic cleansing taking place in western Tigray²² and publicize its findings.
2. Ensure that American financial support²³ to the Ethiopian government or the Amhara regional government is not subsidizing occupying administrations in western Tigray who are implicated in ethnic cleansing.
3. In November 2022, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Molly Phee stated that if Eritrea did not completely remove its forces from Ethiopian territory, additional sanctions would be levied on the Eritrean government²⁴. We ask that the Administration keep its word on this matter.
4. Provide robust humanitarian assistance to support IDPs.
5. Encourage discussions among federal authorities and Tigray and Amhara political and civic leaders to find long-term solutions to identify and resolve regional boundary issues.
6. Insist on consistent access to all areas of Tigray for journalists, independent human rights monitors and investigators, and the African Union’s Monitoring, Verification, and Compliance Mission to ensure the withdrawal of non-ENDF forces and protection and guarantees of non-repetition of harassment and displacement for returning IDPs.
   U.S. leadership is critical toward completing the implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, alleviating the suffering of victims of ethnic cleansing in Tigray, and helping resolve other conflicts threatening Ethiopia’s stability.
   Thank you for your time, and we look forward to your Administration’s actions on this important issue.

Sincerely,

Health Professionals Network for Tigray, www.hpn4tigray.org
Irob Anina Civil Society, www.irobanina.org
Omna Tigray, www.omnatigray.org
Tigray Action Committee, https://tigrayactioncommittee.com