Three-Day Mourning Period

On the occasion of the three-day mourning period in Tigray, we honor the Tigrayans who, as martyrs, made the ultimate sacrifice during the genocidal war against Tigray. The pages of history are adorned with stories of unimaginable courage and unwavering determination, where Tigrayans stood together against evil. 

The magnitude of this sacrifice is immeasurable, etched not just into the chronicles of Tigrayan history but seared into the collective memory of generations. Grief is known to every Tigrayan; this generational trauma and perpetual sorrow is the burden we carry. The sacrifices of our ancestors, who too endured pain and hardship, continue to shape the destiny of a resilient people. 

Our martyrs, whether in the mountains, on the front lines, or in the towns and villages, exemplified the invincible Tigrayan spirit, showing that even in the face of adversity, the significance of never giving up. 

As we honor these heroes, we also acknowledge the heavy price paid by their families, friends, and the entire Tigrayan community. We recognize that the wounds are not only physical but deeply emotional and psychological, leaving scars that may take generations to heal.

The memory of our martyrs is a constant reminder that we must never waver in our pursuit of justice and self-determination. Their legacy is a guiding light in the darkest of times, a testament to the unbreakable spirit of the Tigrayan people, who, despite all odds, continue to stand as a symbol of resistance, courage, and hope.

ልፍንታውያን ሓይልታት ህልቂት ህዝቢ ትግራይ ካብ ገፀ-ምድሪ ንኸፅንቱ ዝኣወጅዎ ደማዊ ኩናት ንምምካት ክቡር መስዋእቲ ዝኸፈሉ ደቂ ህዝቢ ንምዝካር ካብ ብቕድሚ ትማሊ ዕለት 3 ጥቀምቲ 2016 ዓ/ም ጀሚሩ ንሰለስተ ተኸታተልቲ መዓልታት ዝተኣወጀ ብሄራዊ ሓዘን ፣መርድእን ዝኽርን ጀጋኑ ሰማእታት ትግራይ እንትነብዕል ኣብቲ ኣንፃር ምፅናት ዓሌት ትግራይ ዝተገበረ ቃልሲ ነታ እንኮ ሂወቶም ሰዊኦም ናብዚ ዘብፅሑና ጀጋኑ  ዘለና ዓብይ ናእዳን ኽብርን እንዳገለፅና እዩ። ተጋሩ ኣንፃር ሓይልታት ፅንተት  ብሕብረት ብምምካት ንኽትሓስቦም ዝኸብዱ ማሕለኻኻታት በዲሆም ታሪኽ  ተጋድሎ ህዝቢ  ትግራይ  ክትሓስቦ ብዘፅግም ዓይነት ትብዓትን ዘይነነቕ ቆራፅነትን ኣማዕሪጎምዎ  ኣለው። 

ዕምቆት እዚ መስዋእቲ እዚ ኣብ ታሪኽ መዋእል ትግራይ ጥራይ ዘይኰነስ ኣብ ናይ ሓባር ተዘክሮ ወለዶታት ዝነበረ እዩ። ሓዘን ንተጋሩ ሓዱሽ ኣይኮነን፤ እዚ ቀፃሊ ሓዘንን በሰላን ከዓ ንዘልኣለም ከም ተጋሩ ንሕና ንፀሮ ፆር እዩ። እቶም ብዙሕ ስቓይን ፀገምን ዘሕለፉቀዳሞት ወለድና ዝገበርዎ መስዋእቲ፤ መፃኢ ዕድል ፀዋር ህዘቢ እናቀረፀ ክቕፅል እዩ።

ሰማእታትና ኣብ ጎቦታት ይኹን ኣብ ግንባር፣ ኣብ ከተማታትን ገጠራትን ነቲ ዘይስዓር ትግራዋይ መንፈስ ኣብነት ኮይኖም ኣብ እዋን ፀገምን ፀበባን  ተስፋ ብዘይምቑራፅ መንፈሳዊ ጥንካረ ኣርእዮም እዮም።

ነዞም ጀጋኑ እዚኦም ኽነኽብር እንተለና ስድራ ቤቶምን ፈተውቶምን ብሓፈሻ መላእ ማሕበረሰብ ትግራይ ዝኸፈልዎ ረዚን ዋጋ እውን ኣፍልጦ እናሃብና እዩ። እቲ ቁስሊ ኣካላዊ ጥራሕ ዘይኰነስ ስምዒታውን ስነ ልቦናውን  ከምኡ’ውን ንኽድሕን ዘመናት ዝወስድ በሰላ ከምዝገድፍ ንርዳእ ኢና።

ዝኽሪ ሰማእታትና ፡ ፍትሒ ካብ ምንጋስን ዓርሰ ውሳነ ካብ ምርግጋፅን ድሕር ክንብል ከም ዘይብልና ወትሩ ዘዘኻኽር እዩ። ሕድሮም ኣብ ፀልማት እዋን መሪሕ ብርሃን፣ መርኣያ ናይቲ ዘይብተኽ መንፈስ ህዝቢ ትግራይ እዩ። ሕድሮም ኣብ እዋን ፈተናን ፀገምን ፀዋርነት፣ ትብዓትን፣ ተስፋን ኣምሂሩና ሓሊፉ እዩ። እዚ ኸዓ መግለፂ ትግራዋይነት እዩ።

Signed,

Omna Tigray

Omna TigrayPress Release, October 16, 2023

 

Advocacy Groups and Human Rights Institutions Call for International Support for the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE)

We, the undersigned organizations, note the tenets set forth in Article 10 of the Agreement for Lasting Peace Through a Permanent Cessation of Hostilities (the Pretoria Agreement) that was signed on 2 November 2022 in Pretoria, Republic of South Africa. We underscore the symbiotic relationship between peace and justice, asserting that accountability is instrumental in bringing and sustaining peace in Ethiopia. Unified in purpose, we champion justice and accountability measures that would promote peace throughout Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. In line with the customary international law practices and norms upheld by the United Nations (UN), we invoke Article 10 of the Pretoria Agreement and emphasize the responsibility of the UN bodies to protect populations from atrocities and uphold justice, as key components of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) framework.

In accordance with sub article 3 of Article 10 of the Pretoria Agreement, the Government of Ethiopia unveiled the ‘Policy Options for Transitional Justice in Ethiopia’ (TJPE). The content of this policy has deepened our apprehensions about the ramifications of the Pretoria Agreement concerning justice and accountability. The TJPE, conceived without the requisite and meaningful engagement of victims, uniformly addresses all wars in Ethiopia, the associated atrocities, and their victims, overlooking their unique circumstances.

We further scrutinize whether the conditions are ripe for designing, engaging in substantive consultations, and launching a genuine and effective transitional justice initiative amidst the prevailing armed conflicts in Ethiopia. Persistent conflicts, war, mass atrocities, and the unwillingness and inability to fulfill the primary commitments of the Pretoria Agreement are indicators that Ethiopia is neither transitioning towards peace nor undergoing a political transition. When paired with historical experiences and the ongoing states of emergencies, armed conflict, and gross violations of human rights across various regions of the country, our skepticism regarding the feasibility and viability of realizing genuine transitional justice amplifies.

Our concerns regarding Ethiopia’s domestic approach to transitional justice are underscored by doubts concerning its acceptance by the Ethiopian populace, a conspicuous lack of political resolve to ensure justice, potential selective accountability, and the presence of both legal and practical hurdles in prosecuting those responsible. The Ethiopian justice system falls short of possessing the necessary attributes of independence, impartiality, competence, jurisdiction and capability to investigate crimes committed particularly in relations to the atrocities committed by the Eritrean government and the Eritrean Defense Forces.

We are firmly of the view that the initial step for the transitional justice process in Ethiopia is to ascertain the truths surrounding the wars and associated atrocities. We believe the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) is uniquely situated and equipped to uncover the comprehensive truth independently and impartially, given local constraints and a pervasive mistrust in national systems. It possesses the independence, mandate, and jurisdiction to objectively examine atrocities by all parties, including the Eritrean government and other military entities. Only findings from ICHREE, grounded in evidence, can lay the foundational bedrock for designing a sincere, inclusive, and victim-centric transitional justice process when circumstances permit. Alternative approaches lack credibility.

Consequently, we wholeheartedly advocate for the extension and expansion of ICHREE’s mandate as the sole and only remaining independent investigative mechanism capable of determining the truth, extent of violations, command structures, and assigning responsibility with impartiality. This must also be viewed in light of the ill-considered and premature termination of the mandate of the Commission of Inquiry into the situation in the Tigray Region of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. A just and rightful transitional justice policy based on ICHREE’s findings and recommendations would offer all the requisite for transitional justice.

Therefore, we appeal to the international community, particularly the members of the UN Human Rights Council, to unequivocally support the extension of ICHREE’s mandate and guarantee its unrestricted access to areas of atrocity, witnesses, locations, records, and the like, ensuring a comprehensive investigation and accountability.

Signatories:

  1. Horn of Africa Civil Society Forum (HoACSF), consisting of 70 CSOs
  2. Sudanese Human Rights Monitor (SHRM)
  3. United Women of the Horn (UWH)
  4. Friends of Tigray
  5. Genocide80Twenty
  6. Canadian Centre for Victims of Torture (CCVT)
  7. Oromo Legacy Leadership & Advocacy Association (OLLAA)
  8. Solidarity of Nations of Ethiopia
  9. Ethiopian Canadians for Peace
  10. Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Somalia Human Rights (CEDA) association – Belgium
  11. Congress for Somali Cause
  12. Seedling for Peace and Democracy in Eritrea
  13. Brotherly Relationship of Natives of Eritrea and Tigray
  14. Human Right First (Ethiopia)
  15. Human Rights Action Group
  16. Culture Education et Developpement pour la Corne de I’Afrique (CEDA asbl)
  17. Eritrean Bright Future Movement
  18. Mahber Selam Ethio-Eritrea
  19. Foundation Human Rights for Eritreans
  20. Eritrea Free Media
  21. Sitti Solidarity Council
  22. Sitti Diaspora Association
  23. Somali State Intellectual Forum
  24. West-Somali-Ogaden Society
  25. VICTIM GROUP COUNCIL
  26. Issa Community Unity (ICU)
  27. Ceda-ASBI
  28. Yata Media
  29. Mahber Keskese Mlash
  30. Eritrean Kudus Rufael Kerk
  31. Congolese Sepoir
  32. DW International in Nederland
  33. Mahber Akran
  34. Mariam Drachten
  35. Mahber Bet Metaa
  36. Arbate Adi Belesa
  37. Logo Sarda
  38. Vereniging Selam Edir
  39. Vereniging van Ethiopische Tigreërs in Nederland
  40. Canada Tibet Committee
  41. Alliance of Genocide Victim Communities
  42. URAP | Uyghur Rights Advocacy Project
  43. Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights (ARPSH)
  44. Rohingya Student Network (RSN)
  45. Rohingya Women Association for Empowerment and Development (RWAED)
  46. Education and Wisdom Development for Rohingya Women (EWDRW)
  47. Rohingya Union For Women Education & Development (RUWED)
  48. Alliance of Civil Society Organizations of Tigray (ACSOT), Network of 72 CSOs in Tigray
  49. Bishop Abune Tesfaselassie Medhin, Catholic Eparchy of Adigrat
  50. Tigray Youth Association (Tigray)
  51. Union of Tigrayans in Belgium
  52. Tigrayan Advocacy & Development Association UK
  53. Tigray Youth Network UK
  54. Mekete Tigray UK
  55. The Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS)
  56. Association of Tigrayans in Denmark
  57. Association of Tigrayans in France
  58. Tigray Development Association in France
  59. Association of Tigrayans in the Netherlands
  60. Association Tigray Development Association in the Netherlands (TDA NL)
  61. Association Tigray’s Women in Netherlands
  62. Dekna Foundation
  63. Tigrayan Youth Association in Italy
  64. Forum Mekete, Italy
  65. Tigrayan Scholars in Italy (TSI)
  66. Cultural Association and Social Promotion of the Tigray Community in Italy
  67. Volunteer Association for the Development of Tigray, Italy
  68. Association for the Development of Tigray (AST)
  69. Associations of Tigrayan Community in Bologna
  70. Tigray Community Association in Tuscany (ACTT)
  71. Association of Tigrayan Women in Italy
  72. Tigrayhjelpen Norway
  73. Tigray Community Switzerland
  74. Association of Tigrayan Women in Sweden/TKFS
  75. Union of Tigrayan Associations in Sweden
  76. Tigray Human Rights Forum
  77. Omna Tigray
  78. Legacy Tigray
  79. Security and Justice for Tigrayans (SJT)
  80. Health Professionals Network for Tigray (HPN4Tigray)
  81. Tigray Action Committee (TAC)
  82. Tigray Center for Information and Communication (TCIC)
  83. Rescue Tigrayan Rape Victims
  84. Tsilalna Tigray
  85. Union of Tigreans in North America (UTNA)
  86. Waela Tigray
  87. Irob Anina Civil Society (IACS)
  88. United Tegaru Canada
  89. Tinsae Midre Bahri
  90. Union of Tigrayans in Europe (UTE)
  91. Tigray Advocacy and Development Association (TADA) – UK
  92. Samarbeidsfora for Norsk-Tigrayanere- Norway
  93. Association of Tigrayan Communities in Canada
  94. United Tegaru Canada (UTC)
  95. Tigrayan-Canadians Immigration Association
  96. Tigray Humanitarian Aid
  97. Tigray Community Dallas
  98. Tigrayan Association in Toronto
  99. Tigray community of Windsor and Essex County
  100. Tigray community of Saskatchwan
  101. Tigray community of Fory McMurry
  102. Tigray community of Edmenton
  103. Tigray community of Calgary
  104. Tigray community of Vancouver
  105. Tigray community of Quebec
  106. Tigray community of Ottawa
  107. Tigray community of Toronto
  108. TDA Vancouver
  109. Health professionals and Supporters of Canada
  110. Tigray community of Manitob

Press Release, September 15, 2023

Tigrayan Organizations and Allies Call on the ACHPR to Reverse its Decision to End the Commission of Inquiry on the Situation in Tigray

Dear African Commission of Human and Peoples Rights,

We, the undersigned organizations, are writing to express our great disappointment in the decision to terminate the investigation into the crimes that have been committed during the conflict in Tigray. Given the meaningful steps taken and the trust and confidence built in the ACHPR amongst Tigrayan groups and allies, we believe the inquiry was essential to ensuring accountability for the serious human rights abuses that have been committed in Tigray, Ethiopia.

Over the past two years, the human rights situation in Ethiopia has deteriorated significantly, with estimates of 600,000 killed, 900,000 in famine-like conditions, and reports of up to 120,000 cases of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) in unoccupied areas of Tigray alone. Various governments globally have stated that the human rights abuses that have taken place in Tigray amount to ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. Although we are glad to see a cessation of hostilities agreement (CoHA) signed in November 2022, it should be noted that we have yet to achieve a meaningful, just peace nor made progress in any domestic justice and accountability process. Since the signing of the CoHA: 

  • Eritrean and Amhara forces continue to occupy various parts of Tigray, including northern, western and southern Tigray. In Western Tigray, Amhara forces have continued an ethnic cleansing campaign against Tigrayans, forcing them out of their homes, and giving those that remain new identity cards that claim they are Amhara. Their ethnic cleansing campaign is believed to be in an effort to change the demographics for a future referendum (similar to southern Tigray). In northern Tigray, we continue to hear of Eritrean forces committing various atrocities including acts of sexual violence, abductions into Eritrea, blocking aid and the use of fear and intimidation tactics to claim the land as their own–putting our minority communities, the Irob and Kunama, at risk. Under the CoHA, the Ethiopian government has agreed to protect its civilians yet has not done so, as seen in these ongoing atrocities.
  • We have yet to know the fate of hundreds, if not thousands, of Tigrayans detained by the Ethiopian government on the basis of their identity. This includes civilians, prisoners of war, and former Tigrayan Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) members. Those detained are directly under the purview of the Ethiopian government, and thus, all atrocities and human rights violations committed against them are directly tied to this federal body.
  • The suspension of aid has left millions starving. Most recently, it was found that Ethiopian, Eritrean and Tigrayan authorities and forces were involved in a wide scale diversion of aid across the country. Though we recognize and support the need for an investigation, it comes at a time where we are actively seeing infants, new mothers, the chronically ill and elderly dying due to lack of aid. It is critical that we find ways to simultaneously implement reform around aid distribution while still providing aid to those who need it most. There are parts of Tigray that have been inaccessible to aid since 2022, among them lands occupied by Eritrean forces.

With atrocities still ongoing, the situation in Tigray remains dire and thus, the termination of the inquiry is a major setback for the victims of these abuses. As organizations that have supported the ACHPR in its investigation in one way or another, we are truly at a loss for words–for what we will tell the CRSV survivors and other victims. They built up the courage to share their devastating stories in the hopes that it would be utilized for a larger aim: justice and accountability for the millions of Tigrayans, yet adding insult to injury, ACHPR’s investigation was silently terminated.   

The ACHPR has a long history of investigating human rights abuses in Africa, and in recent years, the Commission has played a key role in holding perpetrators accountable for their crimes. For example, the ACHPR’s inquiry into the Kenyan post-election violence led to the prosecution of several high-level officials. The termination of the Tigray inquiry is a clear departure from the ACHPR’s previous commitment to accountability and represents a missed opportunity to ensure perpetrators are not continuing abuses with impunity. It unfortunately sends a message to victims that their suffering will not be recognized, and that the international community is not willing to take action to prevent and punish such abuses. The termination also represents a violation of the victims’ right to truth, limiting the opportunity to validate their experiences–for someone to say, “we believe you.”

Given the lack of meaningful support to Tigrayans or their contributions in support of the war, Tigrayans do not trust Ethiopian-led human rights monitors and other domestic justice mechanisms. Tigrayan’s lack of trust in these domestic processes will also make it fairly difficult to conduct thorough investigations and achieve the level of justice and accountability desired. This is why the work of the ACHPR was incredibly important–it was one of two institutions that Tigrayans trusted to deliver justice and accountability, with strong recommendations. A quality report from the ACHPR is essential to help establish the facts amidst a 2-year blackout and prevent future human rights abuses in Ethiopia through accountability. Once we establish the facts, it can then lead the way to promoting just peace and reconciliation in Ethiopia.

The termination of the inquiry has also left us with a few questions:

  • What happens to the data and testimonies collected from survivors and victims?
  • Are there opportunities for this evidence to be anonymized and shared with international bodies such as the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE)?
  • What does a meaningful African-led justice and accountability effort for Ethiopia look like?

We strongly urge the ACHPR to reconsider its decision and to allow the inquiry to continue. The victims of human rights abuses in Tigray deserve justice, and in line with its founding principles, the ACHPR has a responsibility to ensure that they get it.

Sincerely,

Alliance of Civil Society Organizations in Tigray (ACSOT), Network of 72 CSOs in Tigray
Women’s Association of Tigray (WAT)
Tigray Human Rights Network
Omna Tigray
Women of the Horn
Center for Policy Dialogue
Legal and Human Rights Centre Tanzania
Botswana Centre for Human Rights
Sudanese Human Rights Monitor
African Women Leaders Forum
Youth Empowerment and Self-Sustainability
Legacy Tigray
Security and Justice for Tigrayans (SJT)
Dekna Foundation
Tigray Action Committee (TAC)
Tigray Human Rights Forum
Tsilalna Tigray
Rescue Tigrayan Rape Victims
Union of Tigrayans in Belgium
Tigrayan Advocacy & Development Association UK
Tigray Youth Network UK
Mekete Tigray UK
The Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS)
Association of Tigrayans in Denmark
Association of Tigrayans in France
Tigray Development Association in France
Association of Tigrayans in the Netherlands
Association Tigray Development Association in the Netherlands (TDA NL)
Dekna Foundation
Tigrayan Youth Association in Italy
Forum Mekete Italy
Tigrayan Scholars in Italy (TSI)
Cultural Association and Social Promotion of the Tigray Community in Italy
Volunteer Association for the Development of Tigray, Italy
Association for the Development of Tigray (AST)
Associations  of Tigrayan Community in Bologna
Tigray Community Association in Tuscany (ACTT)
Association of Tigrayan Women in Italy
Tigrayhjelpen Norway
Tigray Community Switzerland
Association of Tigrayan Women in Sweden/TKFS
Union of Tigrayan Associations in Sweden

Press Release, September 05, 2023

On the Imperatives of Establishing Facts and Extending the Mandate of the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia

We, the Constituency for Accountability, note the tenets set forth in Article 10 of the Agreement for Lasting Peace Through a Permanent Cessation of Hostilities (COHA) that was signed on 2 November 2022 in Pretoria, Republic of South Africa. This significant article emphasizes the necessity of a holistic national transitional justice policy that harmonizes with the Constitution of FDRE and the African Union Transitional Justice Policy Framework.

We emphasize the undeniable link between peace and justice and believe that justice and accountability are cornerstones for sustainable peace in Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella and other parts of Ethiopia. We are united in our commitment to be a voice that stands for justice, holds perpetrators to account, and paves the way for lasting peace in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

As the Ethiopian government has presented its new transitional justice policy, ‘Policy Options for Transitional Justice in Ethiopia,’- TJPE in short, our concerns about the Pretoria Agreement and its consequences for justice and accountability have become more intense. This policy, disturbingly overlook the necessity of gaining approval from the victims, communities directly affected, key stakeholders, and representatives of hotspots of the wars and atrocities, particularly in Tigray. TJPE was developed without the substantive and meaningful participation of victims in general, especially those based in Tigray who bore the brunt of atrocities and grassroot level institutions.

The TJPE addresses all wars in Ethiopia, their associated atrocities, and victims in a uniform manner, neglecting their distinct characteristics. It overlooks the unique aspects of the war on Tigray, mainly:

  1. the prolonged political mobilization and hate campaigns aimed at Tigrayans;
  2. the military and security collaboration between Ethiopian, Amhara, and Eritrean authorities and forces with the backing of external entities;
  3. the use of Western Tigray as political mobilization and security chokepoints against Tigray to access the external world;
  4. the use of media blackout, starvation, siege, and mass rape as weapons.

Additionally, it disregards the geopolitical context within which these heinous crimes were perpetrated. The TJPE treats every atrocity committed in Ethiopia as the same, without recognizing the variations and peculiarities in scale, nature, and gravity of each case. Furthermore, victims have been completely side-lined in policy design and priorities. This utterly undermines its legitimacy. It overlooks their needs, interests, and right to substantive participation. Owing to these reasons, the symbolic consultations conducted in Tigray so far have largely proved that the TJPE, as currently designed, has been widely rejected in Tigray.

Critics shed light on the limited scope of transitional justice mechanisms, the glaring absence of victim involvement, hurdles in reconciliation, and a continuous trend of state actor impunity. What is more, the TJPE dangerously focuses on “national sovereignty,” ignoring the “responsibility to protect” the population and prosecute all crimes while entirely ignoring deep-rooted systemic injustices, mass displacement, and destruction that fuelled the conflicts. With a talk of prioritizing reconciliation over accountability with little focus on political and legal accountability of those in command responsibilities, the TJPE could irreversibly compromise sustainable peacebuilding and justice efforts. More gravely, signs point to the policy possibly being crafted to outdo the international examination led by U.N.’s International Commission of Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE).

We further question if conditions are ripe to design, undertake meaningful consultation and effectively implement a genuine transitional justice initiative in the current volatile context in Ethiopia. Ongoing hostilities, war, atrocities, and the failure to make meaningful progress on the key promises of the Pretoria Deal shows that Ethiopia is not on transition to peace. Combined with past experiences, the ongoing states of emergencies, military operations, conflicts in parts of Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, and other parts of the country heightens our doubts over the Ethiopian government’s sincerity towards resolving political disputes peacefully and its efforts to achieve true transitional justice. Even in the post Pretoria Deal Ethiopia, persistent state-perpetrated crimes have severely added to this lack of trust.

In light of Ethiopia’s current situation, we find ourselves forced to pose the following crucial
question:

  • Is Ethiopia genuinely on a transitional path to peace or to a new inclusive democratic political system?
  • Does Ethiopia’s current political, legal, and economic condition serve as an enabler of successful transitional justice?
  • Are the essential elements for a sincere transitional justice process visible in Ethiopia? Does the commitment to transitional justice arise from genuine intent or merely serve as a mask for impunity?

We conclude that Ethiopia is not in a condition conducive for the launching of comprehensive and full-fledged transitional justice process for the following reasons:

  1. After weathering one of the world’s harshest wars and the situation in Tigray, Ethiopia remains engulfed in notable conflicts in areas like Amhara, Oromia, Benishangul Gumuz, and Gambella, to name a few. Rather than progressing toward peace, the country is sinking further into strife. The ongoing transitional justice process appears to be ahead of its time and might face challenges in securing public trust.
  2. Ethiopian state and leadership lack any evident political will for a genuine transition to sustainable peace and to undertake transitional justice. In all likelihood, the policy is aimed at shielding authorities from accountability. Without legal and political accountability, the culture of impunity persists.
  3. Our concerns about the feasibility of a transparent and inclusive transitional justice process intensify, especially given the role of parities that are implicated in the ongoing conflict and ensuing atrocity crimes in the country. Our reservations about Ethiopia’s domestic approach to transitional justice are backed by concerns of ownership by the peoples of Ethiopia, lack of political determination to see justice being served, the possibility of selective accountability, legal and implementation challenges in prosecuting those responsible.
  4. The Ethiopian justice system demonstrably lacks the requisite independence, impartiality, capability, and even jurisdiction concerning atrocities committed by the Eritrean government needed to ensure the accountability of state actors and security forces. This is evident particularly regarding Eritrean authorities and the Eritrean Defense Forces. It is reasonable to conclude that it is highly improbable, even impossible for the Ethiopian process to hold Eritrean and other external forces accountable for the atrocities they committed.
  5. High risk of selective justice targeting some token perpetrators of rank and file while granting immunity to political and military officials and elite members with command responsibility during these wars. This would reinforce impunity.
  6. A serious, substantive, and genuine TJPE needs to guarantee non-repetition of atrocity crimes. Without the legal and political accountability of those in command responsibility and the required far-reaching overhauling of the state institutional, including war-making powers, non-recurrence of atrocity crimes cannot be ruled out.
  7. No confidence that reparations programs will sufficiently address the immense range of physical, emotional, and collective harms inflicted on victims.

Thus, we strongly believe that the utmost priority for the transitional justice process to commence in Ethiopia is the establishment of facts surrounding the wars. Our reasons are as follows:

  1. Truth is essential foundations for reconciliation, accountability, sustainable peace, and development. Thus, we categorically reject and call for shelving the current TJPE, which is the cart before the horse. Truth must come first to pave the way for genuine transitional justice. There are no shortcuts to this, as justice, accountability, reconciliation, and reparations are to be based on facts.
  2. There are no shortcuts in this regard, and sequencing is key. Facts surrounding the triggers, architects, enablers, and impact of the war and the atrocity crimes committed must be authoritatively established through an independent, impartial investigation.
  3. Genuine legal and political accountability is crucial, especially for those in senior command roles who had effective control. Justice must be done and needs to be seen done.
  4. Without truth and accountability, TJPE, as formulated, will simply enable further denial and impunity rather than justice. This is unacceptable to overwhelming victims from Tigray and elsewhere in Ethiopia.
  5. More essentially, in its current form and timing, the TJPE is utterly premature and entirely lacks legitimacy without substantive participation of victims in conceptualizing a process that addresses their rights and needs. Victims deserve no less. The wars in the various parts of the country need to end with a comprehensive peace process that addresses the root causes of the wars.

We believe ICHREE is uniquely positioned and best equipped to independently and impartially establish the comprehensive truth given local limitations and lack of trust in national mechanisms. It has the independence, mandate, and jurisdiction to impartially investigate atrocities committed by all parties involved, including the Eritrean government and other armies. Only the ICHREE evidence-based findings will provide an authoritative foundation to design a genuine, inclusive, and victim-centered transitional justice process when the time is right. There are no credible alternatives.

Therefore, we unreservedly support the extension of an expanded mandate of the ICHREE as the sole independent investigative mechanism capable of establishing the truth, scale of violations, chains of command, and ascribing responsibility in an impartial manner. A just and legitimate transitional justice policy following ICHREE’s findings must not be implemented until the minimum conditions of political will for genuine transitional justice is generated and stability have been achieved.

Hence, we call the international community, particularly the members of the UN Security Council and the Human Rights Council to fully support for the ICHREE and ensure it gains unhindered access to atrocity hotspots, witnesses, sites, records, etc to enable it to conduct a thorough investigation.

Co-signatories:

  1. Alliance of Civil Society Organizations of Tigray (ACSOT), Network of 72 CSOs in Tigray.
  2. Bishop Abune Tesfaselassie Medhin, Catholic Eparchy of Adigrat
  3. Tigray Youth Association (Tigray)
  4. Union of Tigrayans in Belgium
  5. Tigrayan Advocacy & Development Association UK
  6. Tigray Youth Network UK
  7. Mekete Tigray UK
  8. The Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS)
  9. Association of Tigrayans in Denmark
  10. Association of Tigrayans in France
  11. Tigray Development Association in France
  12. Association of Tigrayans in the Netherlands
  13. Association Tigray Development Association in the Netherlands (TDA NL)
  14. Dekna Foundation
  15. Tigrayan Youth Association in Italy
  16. Forum Mekete, Italy
  17. Tigrayan Scholars in Italy (TSI)
  18. Cultural Association and Social Promotion of the Tigray Community in Italy
  19. Volunteer Association for the Development of Tigray, Italy
  20. Association for the Development of Tigray (AST)
  21. Associations of Tigrayan Community in Bologna
  22. Tigray Community Association in Tuscany (ACTT)
  23. Association of Tigrayan Women in Italy
  24. Tigrayhjelpen Norway
  25. Tigray Community Switzerland
  26. Association of Tigrayan Women in Sweden/TKFS
  27. Union of Tigrayan Associations in Sweden
  28. Tigray Human Rights Forum
  29. Omna Tigray
  30. Hdrina Relief Organization
  31. Legacy Tigray
  32. Security and Justice for Tigrayans (SJT)
  33. Health Professionals Network for Tigray (HPN4Tigray)
  34. Tigray Action Committee (TAC)
  35. Tigray Center for Information and Communication (TCIC)
  36. Rescue Tigrayan Rape Victims
  37. Tsilalna Tigray
  38. Union of Tigreans in North America (UTNA)
  39. Waela Tigray
  40. Irob Anina Civil Society (IACS)
  41. United Tegaru Canada
  42. Ethiopian Canadians for Peace – Canada
  43. Solidarity of Nations of Ethiopia
  44. Association of Tigrayan Communities in Canada
  45. Seedling for Peace and Democracy in Eritrea
  46. Brotherly Relationship of Natives of Eritrea and Tigray
  47. Tinsae Midre Bahri
  48. Addis Health and Nutrition Consultancy
  49. Union of Tigrayans in Europe (UTE)
  50. Human Right First (Ethiopia)
  51. Tigray Advocacy and Development Association (TADA) – UK
  52. Samarbeidsfora for Norsk-Tigrayanere- Norway
  53. Solidarity of Tigrayans for Independence and Liberty

Press Release, August 25, 2023

Omna Tigray: On Tigrayans Face Impending, “Mass Starvation” as U.S. and UN Pause Food Aid, Citing Widespread Theft of Humanitarian Aid

Despite the peace agreement between the Ethiopian and Tigrayan governments last November, the dire humanitarian situation in Tigray has reached a critical point, with Tigrayans facing the alarming threat of “mass starvation.” The United States and the United Nations have made the difficult decision to pause food aid to the region due to the widespread theft of humanitarian aid thought to be a part of a larger “country-wide diversion scheme” orchestrated by federal and local authorities. This unfortunate development exacerbates the suffering of innocent civilians and highlights the urgent need for international intervention.

According to a statement issued by USAID, the decision to pause food aid to Tigray was necessitated by the significant diversion of supplies. The theft of humanitarian aid intended for the most vulnerable populations has created an untenable situation, leaving countless Tigrayans without access to life-saving resources. This blatant disregard for the basic needs of the Tigrayan people demonstrates a concerning lack of accountability and undermines efforts to alleviate their suffering.

The Ethiopian government’s involvement in the widespread theft of humanitarian aid represents a grave violation of international humanitarian principles. It undermines the credibility of relief efforts in the region. The ongoing conflict has already resulted in immense human rights abuses and atrocities against the Tigrayan population. Now, with the pause of food aid, the situation has further deteriorated, pushing vulnerable individuals to the brink of starvation. The stolen supplies must be recovered and distributed to those in desperate need. Failure to take swift action will only exacerbate the crisis and contribute to the loss of innocent lives.

As the international community responds to this pressing humanitarian crisis, supporting measures that ensure effective and transparent aid distribution is crucial. Efforts must be made to hold the Ethiopian government accountable for its part in the theft of humanitarian aid, as well as the violation of international humanitarian laws.

The plight of Tigrayans demands urgent attention and intervention from the international community. Concerted efforts are required to address the immediate needs of the Tigrayan people, including the provision of emergency food aid, medical supplies, and essential services. Simultaneously, international bodies such as the United States and the United Nations must work closely with humanitarian organizations to develop robust mechanisms for accountability and ensure the proper distribution of aid.

The continued suffering of Tigrayans cannot be ignored. The international community must stand united in denouncing the Ethiopian government’s involvement in the theft. It is a moral imperative to provide immediate relief to those facing mass starvation and take decisive action to bring about lasting peace, justice, and accountability in Tigray.

Signed,

Omna Tigray

Omna TigrayPress Release, July 14, 2023

 

Omna Tigray: On Ethiopia’s Attempts to Terminate the ICHREE’s Mandate and Evade Accountability and Justice

On February 15, 2023, during his opening remarks to the Executive Council Session of the African Union, Ethiopia’s Deputy Prime Minister Demeke Mekonen expressed Ethiopia’s plan to propose “a resolution for the Council’s consideration on terminating the [International Commission of Human Rights Experts’ (ICHREE)] mandate.” The unprecedented forthcoming resolution calls into question Ethiopia’s commitment to ensure accountability and justice for Tigrayans and other victims of human rights violations in Ethiopia over the past few years. United Nations (UN) delegations must swiftly and vehemently reject this resolution when tabled at the current UN Human Rights Council session.

The Ethiopian government’s widespread blanket impunity for serious abuses during the war on Tigray paved the way for escalating violations (conflict-related sexual violence and wanton killings especially) and is a primary reason human rights abuses continue in Tigray and other regions. The Ethiopian government’s scant previous acknowledgments of allegations concerning its army’s and allied forces’ grave crimes bore little fruit regarding accountability and redress for victims. The lack of justice, accountability, and recognition of the atrocities committed has resulted in victims’ distrust of domestic transitional justice and reconciliation processes led by the Ethiopian government.  

The ICHREE’s mandate, at its core, seeks to engage with all relevant stakeholders to investigate allegations of violations and abuses of international human rights, humanitarian, and refugee laws. More specifically, the mechanism aims to “collect and preserve evidence, identify those responsible, where possible, and to make such information accessible and usable” thoroughly and impartially in a manner that has not yet been seen. Therefore, the mandate is essential in pushing forward accountability for human rights violations and abuses, establishing the facts, and providing recommendations to further justice, healing, and reconciliation. 

Time and time again, the Ethiopian government has committed to addressing human rights violations. It is to be understood then that the Ethiopian government’s call for the ICHREE’s mandate termination is an attempt to evade its responsibilities and international obligations. This undermining of the UN Human Rights Council may set a precedent for how the world reacts to and views impunity for rights abuses in the future.

Equally, scaling down the efforts of the ICHREE to simply technical assistance and capacity-building efforts will deny victims the true, comprehensive justice they deserve. Given the strong distrust in the Ethiopian state and its complete denial of simply having an independent investigation, it would also pave the way for Ethiopia to set a lower bar in securing justice and accountability for grave international crimes. Thus, Tigrayans are asking the international community to intervene.

The success of the peace agreement, which offers a glimpse of hope after two years of brutal conflict, will primarily depend on its successful implementation. Considering the scope of violations, the range of actors involved, and Ethiopia’s historical due process issues, the ICHREE mandate would serve as complementary to the ongoing peace process, helping to ensure lasting peace by also helping to ensure the non-recurrence of crimes in the future. As such, UN Human Rights Council members and observers must reiterate their support of the mandate and thwart Ethiopia’s efforts to terminate it prematurely.

Signed,

Omna Tigray

Omna TigrayPress Release, March 17, 2023

 

Open Letter to the Honorable Joseph R. Biden, President of the United States

Dear President Biden, 

We, the signatories on this letter, are United States of America Professional Women with families in Tigray and Eritrea. We would like to take this opportunity to share the magnitude of the human rights violations that are costing thousands of lives every day, and causing destruction and distress to women, girls, and children of Tigray. We are proud to be part of the American dream and actively participate in the US democratic process. We know firsthand you understand women’s issues and have an unwavering stand on human rights at home and around the world. The purpose of this letter is therefore to bring to your knowledge the tragic massive ongoing human rights violations in Tigray, Northern Ethiopia and persuade you to take decisive action to protect their God-given human rights. 

On March 25, 1998, President Bill Clinton expressed regret for failing to halt genocide in Rwanda which has claimed some 800,000 lives. He said he didn’t fully appreciate the depth and speed with which Rwandans were engulfed by the unimaginable terror. He warned “We must have global vigilance. And never again must we be shy in the face of the evidence”[1]FP: President Clinton, to genocide survivors in Kigali, Rwanda, March 25, 1998.). But unfortunately, we are watching history repeat itself in Tigray. We want to put together the ongoing human rights violations causing massive loss of lives and trauma, so you have a fuller understanding of the depth of the tragedy. 

Tigray’s six million people have been denied access to basic services, including medical, electricity, internet, and banking for over 23 months. Tigray is completely sealed off from the outside world. No access to basic services amounts to lives being lost every day that could have been saved due to lack of nutritious food, and medical services. The UN investigators report described “The widespread denial and obstruction of access to basic services, food, healthcare, and humanitarian assistance is having a devastating impact on the civilian population,” and warned that the government appeared to be “using starvation as a method of warfare”[2]France24: UN report warns of crimes against humanity in Ethiopia. It is unimaginable the international community is allowing the Tigrayan people to be denied their inalienable rights to live. 

The Tigray blockade makes it cruel and inhumane as Tigray’s health care system, transportation infrastructure and economic centers have been looted and destroyed when the war began in 2020 by Ethiopian and allied military forces. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported about 70% of assessed hospitals and health centers in the region have either been partially or fully damaged[3]Doctors without Borders: Widespread destruction of health facilities in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. UNICEF reports only 30 functional ambulances compared to the 280 which used to function in the region, the rest are either damaged or looted[4]National Library of Medicine: The impact of war on the health system of the Tigray region in Ethiopia: an assessment. This means an overwhelming majority of Tigrayan mothers don’t have maternity healthcare service, and Tigrayan kids don’t have access to nutritious food and vaccination. Studies found Tigrayan babies are dying in their first month of life at four times the rate before the war, and maternal mortality is up from 186 to 840 deaths per 100,000 live births with over 80% dying outside health facilities[5]AP News: Babies in Tigray dying at 4 times pre-war levels, study says. We watched heartbreaking cries for help from Tigrayan patients who needed dialysis, insulin for diabetic[6]The Guardian: ‘Humanitarian crime’: fighting cuts off insulin supply in Tigray, drugs for cancer patients[7]The Guardia: Tigray cancer patients sent home to die for lack of drugs, and HIV treatments[8]Modern Ghana: Left to die: the fate of thousands of people living with HIV in Tigray

The UN Commission found that rape and crimes of sexual violence had been perpetrated on a “staggering scale” with Tigrayan women and girls being targeted with violence and brutality by Ethiopian and Eritrean forces and regional militias[9]UNHCR : UN experts warn of potential for further atrocities amid resumption of conflict in Ethiopia. In many cases, rape and other forms of sexual violence were used “to degrade and dehumanize the victims”. Many had unwanted pregnancies and were infected with sexually transmitted diseases[10]The Telegraph: Hundreds of women rush to Tigray hospitals as soldiers use rape as weapon of war. A study by Tigray Health Bureau and Mekelle University found more than 120,000 females aged between 15-49 have been raped[11]YouTube: Tigray Health Bureau claimed more than 120,000 girls and women have been raped by invading forces. The trauma of these victims will continue until those who are responsible for allowing it as well as those who committed the horrific crimes are held accountable. Unfortunately, the commission of experts mandated by the UNHCR to investigate these abuses has so far been denied access to Tigray where the crimes took place, by the Ethiopian government. How is justice going to be served under this circumstance! Victims of rape deserve justice and support, and at this time their voices are being silenced.

Over 50 drone and air strikes have been carried out in Tigray since June 2021 that have impacted civilians and infrastructures[12]UNHCR : UN experts warn of potential for further atrocities amid resumption of conflict in Ethiopia. The airstrikes are adding terror, death, and destruction especially to women and kids who are already devastated through blockade, rape, and forced displacement from their homes. It is not a coincidence strikes that killed and wounded several civilians happened during a major religious holiday “Meskel”[13]The Hill: Airstrike in Ethiopia’s Tigray region kills civilians, the day Tigray commemorates its biggest civil war massacre ”Hawzen” during a busy market[14]OCHA Services: Airstrike on market kills 43 in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, camps which houses Internally displaced Tigrayans[15]Human Rights Watch: Ethiopia: Airstrike on Camp for Displaced Likely War Crime[16]Reuters: More than 50 killed in northern Ethiopia air strike -aid workers and Tigray forces, and a kindergarten[17]Aljazeera: UN condemns deadly air raid that ‘hit kindergarten’ in Tigray. We watched horrific videos where women and children are pulled from the rubble of homes destroyed though a strike[18]YouTube strike video: Victims of Adi Daero Airstrike. These represent only some of the strikes, and the acts are particularly cruel as they happen when Tigray doesn’t have medical infrastructure and drugs to save the life of the wounded. They are inflicting major psychological harm to women and kids. Why is the international community not stopping this level of cruel war crime? 

Western Tigray has been the site of some of the worst atrocities committed in this conflict since Ethiopian forces and allied military forces gained control of the area in Nov 2020. They have carried out a brutal ethnic cleansing against Tigrayan communities through a series of human rights abuses including mass detention, sexual violence, extrajudicial killings, denial of humanitarian aid and forced expulsion of civilians from their homes[19]Human Rights Watch: Ethiopia’s Invisible Ethnic Cleansing. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported 1.2 million people have been displaced from western Tigray, and about 60,000 fled to Sudan. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken condemned acts of the ethnic cleansing in western Tigray in March 2021[20]CNN: Blinken: Acts of ‘ethnic cleansing’ committed in Western Tigray. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch’s report in May 2021 also concludes “security forces from Ethiopia’s Amhara region are responsible for a campaign of ethnic cleansing, carried out through crimes against humanity and war crimes”[21]Human Rights Watch: Crimes against Humanity and Ethnic Cleansing in Ethiopia’s Western Tigray Zone. Acknowledging acts of ethnic cleansing is a first step to justice but bringing an end to the ethnic cleansing and ensuring Tigrayans quick return to their home is needed to stop the suffering. 

Belgium’s Ghent University researchers led by Jan Nyssen say as many as 500,000 people died from war and famine in Tigray over a 16-month period[22]The Globe and Mail: Tigray war has seen up to half a million dead from violence and starvation, say researchers. It has been over 6 months since this study was conducted and Tigray is still under siege and a large-scale war has erupted again on Aug 24, 2022[23]Voice of America: Fighting Erupts Again in Ethiopia’s Northern Tigray Region ending a five-month cease-fire. Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers are jointly attacking Tigray from all its borders and an estimated 1 million soldiers are mobilized in this war[24]Heritage Foundation: General Tsadkan Gebretensae speaking to the Heritage Foundation think tank. Drone and air strikes are dropping bombs more frequently at residential homes, and camps for internally displaced Tigrayans. As a result, the war is causing more unprecedented death, destruction, and psychological harm to the people of Tigray. We hope the world does not stand idle and silent as these atrocities continue and more people die. 

Eritreans won a 30 year bloody war to become an independent nation in 1993 through a UN sponsored referendum. But the government has refused to implement the constitution and shattered the dream of Eritreans building a prosperous and democratic nation. There is no free press, and there is no parliament where laws are discussed, and questions of national importance are debated. Eritrea youth flee the country through its borders despite its shoot-to-kill policy to avoid forced indefinite military conscription and repression[25]Human Rights Watch: Service for Life: State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea. Many become victims of human trafficking and perish in Sahara Desert and Mediterranean Sea. Mr. Steve Walker, former chief of mission at the U.S. embassy in Asmara, Eritrea, has described life in Eritrea in his article “Totalitarianism Is Still With Us” published in The Atlantic on Sep 5, 2022[26]The Atlantic: Totalitarianism Is Still With Us. A UN Commission of Inquiry on human rights was established in June 2014 to investigate alleged violations of human rights in Eritrea. The commission reported crimes against humanity have been committed and urged referral to the International Criminal Court in October 2016[27]UNHCR: Eritrea UN Commission has urged referral to the International Criminal Court. But sadly, no serious action has taken place and as a result the arrest, torture and mass exodus of Eritreans from their own country continues. 

Eritrea is a major force driving the war in Tigray and this is complicating the peace process. The government of Eritrea has called up thousands of reservists[28]The Economist: Eritrea has called up thousands of reservists to fight in Tigray and is forcibly rounding up Eritreans and sending them to a bloody war. Eritrean parents are locked out of their homes, and their cattle confiscated if their children are not found[29]BBC: Eritreans hunted down as military call-up intensifies over Ethiopia’s Tigray war. Eritrean and Tigrayan people have a shared history, culture and fought alongside for our freedom. We, the undersigned Eritrean Americans, strongly condemn the siege, drone attacks and the war that are taking lives of innocent Tigrayans. Eritrean youth and seniors are perishing in a senseless war. Eritreans should not interfere in the internal affairs of Ethiopia. Therefore, Mr. President, your government should put a special focus on Eritrea to stop the atrocities that are costing innocent Eritrean and Tigrayan lives.

We believe in the US unwavering stand for democracy and human rights. But in the last two years, the silence of the US in the face of horrific massive human rights violations in Tigray has shaken our conscience. Tigrayan mothers are dying due to lack of maternity service. Tigrayan kids are dying due to malnutrition. Tigrayan kids are not getting vaccination. No accountability and support for unprecedented numbers of Tigrayan women and girls victimized by rape. Tigrayan mothers and children are getting bombed with drones strikes frequently including in Internally Displaced camps. Tigrayan seniors are denied access to their hard-earned savings to buy basic needs. Tigrayan kids have not been to school for 3 years. We are watching devastation and death at a scale the world has not seen before. Why is this massive cruel human rights violation not getting the attention and priority it deserves? 

We are grateful, Mr. President, for your legislative action by suspending Ethiopia from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) to encourage Ethiopia to come to peace. We are grateful you assigned a special envoy to east Africa to coordinate peace. We are also grateful for the humanitarian services that you have provided under difficult circumstances. So far, the envoys that have been assigned to this role are unable to make progress towards peace. The war and drone strikes are continuing at a much larger scale. We see the Ethiopian government using peace talks as a tool to buy more time to inflict more damage on the Tigrayan people. It is not possible to bring peace through negotiation with those who have openly declared to exterminate one group of society, and are following it with their actions through war, drone strikes, and denying basic life-saving services such as food, medicine, and electricity as a tool of war. Thousands of Tigrayans are still detained in prisons under unsafe conditions throughout Ethiopia due to their ethnicity[30]VoA: In Ethiopia’s Civil War, Thousands of Jailed Tigrayans Endured Squalor and Disease[31]CNN: Men are marched out of prison camps. Then corpses float down the river. The Ethiopian government needs to understand the world sees their false peace talk tactics as means to appease the world as they continue exterminating Tigrayan people through various means. 

Considering the overwhelming documented human rights violations, we urge the US government as the leading economic power to intervene on behalf of humanity to save Tigrayan mothers and children. We firmly believe, due to the weak reaction of the world to the unimaginable systematic atrocities in Tigray, the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments became emboldened and launched a more aggressive united war against the Tigrayan people on Aug 24, 2022[32]CNN: Blinken: Acts of ‘ethnic cleansing’ committed in Western Tigray. Mr. President, your priority should be to get the siege removed and allow basic human services to the Tigrayan people. It will save innocent lives. Every day this is delayed, Tigrayan mothers and children are dying due to lack of food and medicine. Mr. President, we also kindly ask you to enforce a no-fly zone. Drone and air strikes are killing civilians including many in camps that are hosting Tigrayans forcibly displaced from their homes. Innocent civilians deserve protection. Mr. President, last but not least, we kindly ask you to support with action the UN council established to investigate human rights violations in Ethiopia. Those who are responsible for the heinous violent rape crimes of women and girls and are conducting ethnic cleansing should be held accountable. This will show the world that crimes against humanity will not go unpunished. If justice does not happen for Tigrayan women, what are we signaling to the world that we represent? 

We, the undersigned Tigrayan fellow US citizens, have been watching helplessly the destruction of our families in Tigray. We have been under tremendous stress for the last two years. We are not able to talk to our families. We are not able to send money. We are waking up to news of horrific drone attacks that are killing many innocent people. We hear cries for medicine from people with chronic illnesses such as dialysis, cancer, and diabetes. We do not know whether our families are alive. A massive war is underway now throughout Tigray borders to capture Tigray cities yet again. The brutal images of massive gang rape of girls and women, youth killings, and priest killings that happened when the war began comes to our mind. Tigrayan youth are sacrificing their only life to protect the dignity of their sisters and mothers. We are devastated with so much death and destruction. This should be stopped. We hope you see us, you hear us, and you understand our pain. We are counting on you to make this a priority. 

Mr. President, we kindly request urgent meaningful action to stop the death, and suffering that goes beyond statements of condemnation. African Union mediation has failed for two years and trying the same thing at the expense of Tigrayans, and Eritrean lives who are forced to join the war should be reconsidered. Eritrea should withdraw from Tigrayan land and the Ethiopian government should remove the siege immediately. We are seeing genocide on Tigray happening in the 21st century through various means by blacking out media. Time is of the essence. Save lives–human rights are God-given rights.

We appreciate you taking the time to read our letter and we hope it does give you a fuller, more complete picture of the heinous crimes against humanity in Tigray. We are counting on you to preserve American values and take urgent action to protect human lives. 

Signed,

Tigrayan and Eritrean Professional Women

Press Release, October 19, 2022

 

References

References
1 FP: President Clinton, to genocide survivors in Kigali, Rwanda, March 25, 1998.)
2 France24: UN report warns of crimes against humanity in Ethiopia
3 Doctors without Borders: Widespread destruction of health facilities in Ethiopia’s Tigray region
4 National Library of Medicine: The impact of war on the health system of the Tigray region in Ethiopia: an assessment
5 AP News: Babies in Tigray dying at 4 times pre-war levels, study says
6 The Guardian: ‘Humanitarian crime’: fighting cuts off insulin supply in Tigray
7 The Guardia: Tigray cancer patients sent home to die for lack of drugs
8 Modern Ghana: Left to die: the fate of thousands of people living with HIV in Tigray
9, 12 UNHCR : UN experts warn of potential for further atrocities amid resumption of conflict in Ethiopia
10 The Telegraph: Hundreds of women rush to Tigray hospitals as soldiers use rape as weapon of war
11 YouTube: Tigray Health Bureau claimed more than 120,000 girls and women have been raped by invading forces
13 The Hill: Airstrike in Ethiopia’s Tigray region kills civilians
14 OCHA Services: Airstrike on market kills 43 in Ethiopia’s Tigray region
15 Human Rights Watch: Ethiopia: Airstrike on Camp for Displaced Likely War Crime
16 Reuters: More than 50 killed in northern Ethiopia air strike -aid workers and Tigray forces
17 Aljazeera: UN condemns deadly air raid that ‘hit kindergarten’ in Tigray
18 YouTube strike video: Victims of Adi Daero Airstrike
19 Human Rights Watch: Ethiopia’s Invisible Ethnic Cleansing
20 CNN: Blinken: Acts of ‘ethnic cleansing’ committed in Western Tigray
21 Human Rights Watch: Crimes against Humanity and Ethnic Cleansing in Ethiopia’s Western Tigray Zone
22 The Globe and Mail: Tigray war has seen up to half a million dead from violence and starvation, say researchers
23 Voice of America: Fighting Erupts Again in Ethiopia’s Northern Tigray Region
24 Heritage Foundation: General Tsadkan Gebretensae speaking to the Heritage Foundation think tank
25 Human Rights Watch: Service for Life: State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea
26 The Atlantic: Totalitarianism Is Still With Us
27 UNHCR: Eritrea UN Commission has urged referral to the International Criminal Court
28 The Economist: Eritrea has called up thousands of reservists to fight in Tigray
29 BBC: Eritreans hunted down as military call-up intensifies over Ethiopia’s Tigray war
30 VoA: In Ethiopia’s Civil War, Thousands of Jailed Tigrayans Endured Squalor and Disease
31 CNN: Men are marched out of prison camps. Then corpses float down the river
32 CNN: Blinken: Acts of ‘ethnic cleansing’ committed in Western Tigray

Joint Press Release on the Ethiopian Government Violating the Humanitarian Truce

In the strongest possible terms, the undersigned organizations condemn the Ethiopian government’s recent military provocations against Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) in Tigray, breaching the humanitarian truce agreed upon by the Tigray and Ethiopian governments.

Despite evidence otherwise, the Ethiopian government has consistently sought to assure the international community of its commitment to the peace process and negotiations with the Tigray government. For instance, on August 17, 2022, foreign diplomats based in Addis Ababa were briefed by the Ethiopian government’s “Main Peace Committee” regarding the purported peace process. But two days before, the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) violated the humanitarian truce by conducting military operations in Tigray. On Monday, August 15, 2022, the ENDF shelled the TDF in Dedebit, Northwestern Tigray, using tanks and artillery. Although peace negotiations and mediation continue to be encouraged by the United Nations, African Union, European Union, and various countries and their envoys tasked with facilitating the peace process, it is undeniable that the Ethiopian government has no intentions for peace. 

The Ethiopian (along with allied Eritrean and Amhara) governments have proven to be committed to war, evidenced by the following incidents since the announcement of the humanitarian truce: 

  • March 22, 2022 – Yilikal Kefale, president of the Amhara region, stated, “The Ethiopian National Defense Force is now in training to carry this out. It has been engaged in organizing, training and strengthening itself…the Amhara region is building a very large force.”
  • March 28, 2022 – hundreds of Ethiopian troops were moved into Kobo in the Amhara region.
  • April 7, 2022 – Eritrean general Humed Karkari signed a military agreement with Afar regional president Awel Araba;
  • April 14, 2022 – reports surfaced of the Eritrean government conscripting Eritreans to join the war. 
  • April 17, 2022 – the Afar Federalist Diaspora coordination group reported that 150 containers of ammunition entered Afar through Djibouti. 
  • April 23, 2022 – ENDF Chief of Staff Berhanu Jula gave an interview on ESAT, a channel that has openly called for genocide against Tigrayans, and admitted that the government was planning to continue the war
  • April 30, 2022 – Abiy Ahmed and Amhara regional president, and other high-level officials visited ENDF’s Southern, Eastern, 6th, and 8th Commands. 
  • May 7, 2022 – Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed reviewed military bases and preparedness of the Western Command in the Amhara region with federal and regional officials and ENDF generals.
  • May 10, 2022 – Yilikal Kefale stated, “I am sure that you, our security forces, using this expression of gratitude and recognition as an encouragement, will wipe out the rest of the force that is a cancer to our country’s security and peace.” 
  • May 11, 2022 – the Ethiopian government approved a 5-year military agreement with Turkey for $6.3M, which includes intelligence and military training.
  • May 24, 2022 – the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF), allies of the Ethiopian government, launched an unwarranted offensive against the TDF.
  • May 28 and 29, 2022 –  the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) shelled Shiraro, Tigray, with some rounds hitting a school housing displaced families, according to humanitarian organizations. The shelling killed a 14-year-old girl, injured over 18 civilians, and damaged 12 houses. Other incidents of the EDF attacking the TDF have also been reported since the humanitarian truce was announced.
  • June 1, 2022 – a United Arab Emirates (UAE) air force aircraft was seen flying in and out of Ethiopia’s main Air force base, Harar Meda, in Bishoftu, raising alarms on military preparations.
  • June 3, 2022 – Abiy Ahmed traveled to Bale, Oromia, with the AU’s High Representative for the Horn of Africa, Olusegun Obasanjo. During the visit, Abiy shared on state-owned media that the siege on Tigray had been successful, while the European Union’s Ambassador to Ethiopia warned that a humanitarian truce is not meant to prepare for another war. 
  • June 4, 2022 – The Head of Amhara regional state Communication Bureau put out a call to recruit young men to enlist to safeguard the unity of Ethiopia. 
  • July 6, 2022 – Chief of Staff of Ethiopia’s National Army, Berhanu Jula, attended an event organized by the 8th division of Ethiopia’s army, where he said his forces are “more ready than ever to fight Tigray’s armed forces.” 
  • August 7, 2022 – Ethiopian Deputy Chief of General Staff Abebaw Tadesse of the Ethiopian National Defense Force visited Ethiopian army positions in Gondar bordering TIgray.
  • August 20, 2022 – Ethiopian troops pouring into Tigray’s southern border are observed 
  • August 20, 2022 – State-owned Ethiopian Press Agency published an article stating “TPLF will be buried soon”.

The Ethiopian government must be held responsible for its military aggression that violated the truce. The prospect of renewed fighting will be devastating with its attendant consequences not just impacting Tigray alone but with grave ramifications to the peace and stability of Ethiopia and the wider Horn of Africa. Furthermore, the violation of the humanitarian truce could cause more human suffering and death in Tigray, which has been under siege for almost two years without essential services, such as telecommunication, banking, electricity, and access to humanitarian assistance with an exceeding horrific death toll of over 500,000. Therefore, the international community must make concerted efforts to bring about peace in Ethiopia and end the war in Tigray by demanding an end to the siege, unfettered humanitarian access, the withdrawal of invading forces, including Eritrean and Amhara forces, from Tigray, unrestricted travel of international investigators and journalists, and a negotiated ceasefire and dialogue.

Signatories:

  1. Omna Tigray
  2. Tigray Center for Information and Communication
  3. Legacy Tigray
  4. Health Professionals Network for Tigray
  5. Security and Justice for Tigrayans 
  6. The Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS)
  7. Rescue Tigrayan Rape Victims
  8. Giving Back To Our Roots
  9. Health Professionals and Supporters for Tigray
  10. Tigray Association in Toronto
  11. Association of Tigrayan Communities in Canada 
  12. Tigrayan Canadian Society of Saskatchewan
  13. Manitoba Tegaru Youth 
  14. Tegaru Belgium
  15. Tigrayan Canadians Cultural Society in Edmonton (TCCSE)
  16. Australian Tigray Alliance (ATA)
  17. United Tegaru Canada
  18. Tigray Action Committee (TAC)
  19. Irob Anina Civil Society
  20. Stand With Tigray (SWT)
  21. Tigray Youth Network (TYN)
  22. Tigrayan Advocacy and Development Association (TADA) 
  23. Giovani Tigrini Italiani
  24. Tigrai Global Advocacy Group (TGAG)
  25. Alliance of Tigray Association in the Diaspora (ATAD)
  26. Association of Tigray Community in Uganda 
  27. Association of Tigray Community in Kenya
  28. Association of Tigray Community in South Sudan
  29. Association of Tigray Community in Rwanda
  30. Association of Tigray Community in Zambia
  31. Association of Tigray Community in Republic of South Africa
  32. Ethiopian Candianas for Peace 
  33. Union of Tigrians in North America (UTNA)
  34. Tegaru Youth of the Carolinas (TYC) 
  35. Tigrayan Women’s Association of the Carolinas
  36. Tegaru Women For Tigray (TWT)
  37. Tigray Äthiopischer Verein in Deutschland e.V. 
  38. Tigray Frauenverein in Deutschland e.V.
  39. Tigray kultur verein in Deutschland e.V.
  40. Tigray Gemeinde der Kriegsgeschädigten in Deutschland e.V.
  41. Al Nejashi Tigray Germany e.V.
  42. Tigray Gesellschaft Nordrhein-Westfalen e.V.
  43. Tigray community in Switzerland 
  44. Communauté Tigree Vaud
  45. Tigrean National Association in Sweden ( Tigreanska riks föreningen)
  46. Tigrean Women Association in Sweden (Tigreanska kvinnors förening i Sverige)
  47. Vereniging van Ethiopische Tigreërs in Nederland
  48. Vereniging Tigrai Development Association in Nederland (TDA NL)
  49. Vereniging Van Tigray Nederland
  50. Tigrayan Women Association in Netherlands
  51. Tigrean National Association in Sweden ( Tigreanska riks föreningen)
  52. Union of Tigrayans in Belgium
  53. Tigray Hjelpen
  54. Tinsae Tigray Kvinneforening
  55. Association D’Entraide de tigréen en France
  56. Association Developement de Tigray (ADT)
  57. Forum delle Associazioni Tigrine in Italia
  58. Associazione Comunità Del Tigray – Bologna – Emilia-Romagna ODV (Italy)
  59. Associazione Comunità Tigray in Toscana (A.C.T.T, Italy)
  60. Associazione Culturale e Promozione Sociale Della Comunità Tigray in Bari (Italy)
  61. Associazione Donne Del Tigray di Roma (APS, Italy)
  62. Associazione Per Lo Sviluppo del Tigrai (A.S.T, Rome, Italy)
  63. Associazione Promozione Sociale Tigrini Nord Italia (Italy)
  64. Geza Tegaru Friuli-Venezia Giulia (FVG) (Italy)
  65. Tigrayan Scholars in Italy (TSI, Italy)
  66. Solidarity of Nations

Omna TigrayPress Release, August 22, 2022

 

A Call to the UN Human Rights Council to Extend the ICHREE’s Mandate and Provide Additional Resourcing

In September 2022, the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) is scheduled to present a written report to the UN Human Rights Council, quickly following their first update to the body on June 30, 2022.

In this update, the ICHREE laid out a number of challenges, including but not limited to: insufficient access to victims and witnesses, lack of access to Tigray and other regions across Ethiopia, lack of sufficient resources, including funding and staffing, and the need to narrow investigations to “certain emblematic incidents” due to time constraints. Chairperson Kaari Betty Murungi notes, “I will be frank and say that if this Council expects us to achieve what it requested last December, we need more resources. We appeal to member states for technical (including individuals with relevant expertise), logistical and financial support.”

From July 25-30, 2022, the three representatives of the ICHREE then visited Ethiopia to discuss “modalities for cooperation, including its interpretation of its mandate….” After their trip, they released a statement hoping that “the government will provide it with unhindered access without delay, so that it may visit sites and speak freely and privately with survivors, witnesses, and other persons of interest.” This indicates that access to evidence remains difficult, which raises concerns regarding the quality of the report due in September–particularly in its legitimacy and comprehensiveness in its findings and recommendations. Given the time constraints, we are also concerned about using the flawed report of the Joint Investigation Team (JIT) and its materials as a basis for this new investigation to “avoid unnecessary duplication of effort.” 

All this considered, we strongly call upon the UN Human Rights Council to extend the ICHREE’s mandate for at least one more year and increase its funding, staffing, and technical resources so that they may more comprehensively investigate human rights violations in Tigray and across Ethiopia concerning the ongoing conflict. With the extension of the mandate, we then recommend that the ICHREE establish a working relationship with the Government of Tigray, the appointed Commission of Inquiry into Tigray Genocide (CITG), and Tigrayan civil society organizations in and out of the region for access to victims and key evidence.

Secondly, we urge the UN Human Rights Council and international partners to employ all political tools to demand unfettered access to Tigray and across Ethiopia. Previous reports have been written where investigators were not allowed in the locations where atrocities took place, and the quality of the investigation was clearly hindered. Given the security, geopolitical and reconciliation stakes involved in Ethiopia, this is not a risk we can afford to take.

Moreover, the ICHREE also has a mandate to provide “guidance and recommendations on technical assistance to the Government of Ethiopia on transitional justice, including accountability, reconciliation, and healing.” Increased resourcing should be provided to support in the creation and implementation of these recommendations to drive peace and accountability in Ethiopia. Some of which include: 

  • International oversight, as the Ethiopian government has not shown interest in providing “transitional justice.” It must be noted that all previous recommendations supplied by human rights organizations and international governmental bodies to ensure accountability and healing for Tigrayans have overwhelmingly been ignored by the Ethiopian government. Promises of alleviating civilian suffering and restoring necessities to the people of Tigray have yet to actualize. 
  • A criminal investigation to hold perpetrators accountable under the court of law.
  • Support for the Ethiopian government, the Tigrayan government, and other parties to the conflict in holding a national dialogue and establishing a process for reconciliation to ensure these atrocities are not repeated.

Over the past two years, too many people have suffered at the hands of the Ethiopian government, and it’s still not over. The genocide in Tigray continues unabated through a devastating siege on the region, and human rights violations continue to occur across the rest of the country. Victims deserve justice. The people of Ethiopia deserve peace. Accountability plays a significant role in the peace process, and it’s, therefore, in the international community’s best interest to help create the conditions for a quality investigation that meets international standards. Should the mandate get extended for at least one year and additional resources provided, we firmly believe the ICHREE’s investigation will significantly advance healing, dialogue, and sustainable peace.

Signatories:

  1. Omna Tigray
  2. Irob Anina Civil Society
  3. Health Professionals Network for Tigray
  4. Legacy Tigray
  5. United Tegaru Canada
  6. Tigray Center for Information and Communication
  7. Solidarity of Nations
  8. Security and Justice for Tigrayans
  9. DEKNA Foundation
  10. Stand With Tigray

Omna TigrayPress Release, August 02, 2022

 

Omna Tigray: Press Release on Secretary Blinken’s Statement “Building on Steps to End the Conflict in Ethiopia”

On April 29, 2022, Secretary of State Antony Blinken released a press statement praising the Ethiopian government’s steps in ending the conflict in Ethiopia. Much to our bewilderment and great disappointment, Secretary Blinken stated, “We are encouraged that the government of Ethiopia and regional authorities in Tigray and Afar have taken steps in recent weeks to enable the delivery of desperately needed food aid to war-affected communities.” This is, at best, a distorted assessment of what is happening in Tigray. This callous statement cruelly ignores the myriad of human rights violations that the Ethiopian government continues to commit and support in Tigray, including weaponized rape, torture, unlawful detainment, indiscriminate murder, destruction of heritage sites, ongoing siege, and weaponized famine. What Secretary Blinken’s statement does is encourage the Ethiopian government to continue its genocidal campaign with impunity, betraying the fundamental values of the United States, which call for the preservation and sanctity of human life. 

Tigrayan advocacy groups, established before and during the war to chronicle the plight of Tigrayans after the November 4, 2020 invasion of Tigray by the Ethiopian and Eritrean armies and Amhara militias, strongly condemn the complacency and misinformation disseminated by the State Department. We have sought to engage with international actors consistently throughout these last 18 months of the war, only to be met with tepid responses and indifference. Secretary Blinken states that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed “has taken a series of encouraging actions that have laid the groundwork for an end to conflict,” which is an egregious misreading of the facts on the ground. Over 900,000 civilians live in famine conditions in Tigray, while millions more face severe food insecurity. Thirty-nine days have passed since the (Ethiopian government’s supposed) unilateral ceasefire declaration, and Tigray remains under siege. Since the announcement, only 170 of the 4,100 expected aid trucks have entered Tigray. This equates to less than 5% of what is needed to prevent hundreds of thousands of deaths.

In addition, Tigrayan forces have entirely withdrawn from the neighboring Afar region, all while Western Tigray remains occupied by domestic and foreign troops who terrorize and indiscriminately murder Tigrayan civilians. The Ethiopian government and the international community are left without any justification for the lack of unfettered humanitarian access to Tigray. Humanitarian aid should never be regarded as conditional on political negotiations. However, despite being against international law, these preconditions have been met. In light of these facts, one wonders how Secretary Blinken can consider the Ethiopian government’s steps as a “series of encouraging actions”? On the contrary, failing to hold the Abiy administration and its allies accountable for their continued obstruction of humanitarian aid delivery makes international actors and diplomats complicit in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans. 

The United States is committed, as Secretary Blinken states, “to a unified, prosperous, and sovereign Ethiopia,” however, the lack of severe consequences for the Ethiopian government’s actions and press statements such as these do very little to facilitate this. On the contrary, it assuages this murderous government to continue a genocide with impunity and increasingly risks the security and stability of the Horn of Africa and the disintegration of the state. The United States, and the greater international community, can and must do more.

Signatories:

  • Omna Tigray
  • Irob Anina Civil Society
  • Tigray Youth Network
  • United Tegaru Canada
  • Tegaru Belgium
  • Giovani Tigrini Italiani
  • Tigray Center for Information and Communication
  • Tigray Action Committee
  • Tigray Unity Germany
  • Health Professionals Network for Tigray
  • Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals
  • Security and Justice for Tigrayans

Omna TigrayPress Release, May 04, 2022