June 22 is usually a day when Tigrayans commemorate their martyrs lost to Tigray’s fight for self-determination. The day itself has its origins in a somber day in 1988 when Mengistu Hailemariam, the Chairman of the ruling Derg military dictatorship, attempted to win his war against the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) by indiscriminately bombing civilians for a full day at a market in Hawzien. Aerial bombardments of civilians were a last resort in winning wars as Mengistu’s regime was losing on the ground. On that particular day in Hawzien about 2,500 civilians were killed.
Thirty-two years later, on June 22, 2021, amid another war in Tigray, but this time a genocidal one on the people of Tigray, a market in Togoga in central Tigray, near Tigray’s capital city of Mekelle, was bombed. As was the case with the Hawzien massacre, high civilian casualties through bombardments are being used as a strategy to win a war being lost on the ground. The bombing of a marketplace on market day could only have the objective of killing as many civilians as possible. And to do so on a day meant to commemorate those lost in the Hawzien marketplace bombing is intended to cause the most psychological and physical harm, all in hopes of instilling fear and defeat.
Initial reports place casualties at least 64 people killed and 180 injured, all civilians—despite Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed administration’s claim of having conducted precise airstrikes against “rebel fighters.” Evidence was clear that civilian casualties, among them women and children, were significant; and according to market goers present at the time of the attack, they did not see armed forces in the area.
What’s worse is that all but two ambulances transporting victims of the attacks were allowed through to Mekelle, the only place where victims could receive treatment. The area’s health post was looted in February 2021 by Eritrean troops, so treatment, even initial trauma responses from medics, in the town itself would have been impossible. By not allowing ambulances through, the invading armed forces essentially sentenced those injured to death, many dying waiting for ambulances to be let through. In the words of Hailu Kebede, foreign affairs head of an opposition Tigrayan party Salsay Woyane: “Wounded civilians from the Togoga Massacre, […], have died overnight, as the invaders refused to allow ambulances to travel to the area. Their level of cruelty, their determination to see Tigrayans falling like leaves is unparalleled.”
Targeting civilians and withholding aid from civilians has been a hallmark of the acts constituting genocide being committed on the people of Tigray since November 2020. The intent of using these aerial bombardments as a tool of genocide is unique to this current war on Tigray, but as mentioned previously, using it to try to win wars being lost is not. The Ethiopian government’s history of bombing Tigrayan civilians as a weapon of war is evident. The first recorded occurrence was not in 1988 with the Hawzien Massacre, but during the time of Haile Selassie in 1943.
Tigray’s steadfast defense of its territory, right to self-determination, and freedom is a long standing one. Amid worsening conditions in Tigray, Tigrayans launched their first Woyane (meaning uprising or revolt) against Emperor Haile Selassie’s rule in 1943. As an initial response, the Emperor’s army, supported by the British armed forces, fought in the mountains of Tigray, suffering significant losses. This was the first time aerial bombardments were used as a last-ditch effort to subdue the people of Tigray. The Royal British Navy, with the permission of Emperor Haile Salassie, bombed several places in Tigray, including Mekelle, Hintalo, and Corbetta. Thousands of civilians lost their lives. In Mekelle alone, on October 4, 1943, fifty four bombs were dropped. On this occasion, the aerial bombardments worked in quelling the first Woyane, and they were followed by further pacification of the region.
Hence such a tactic has had mixed results for invading forces in Tigray: a positive outcome for Emperor Selassie and a negative one for the Derg, which found itself overthrown by the TPLF and allied forces three years after the bombardments in Tigray and Eritrea. For its part, the Abiy administration has employed aerial bombardments on several occasions during the genocidal war on Tigray. His forces did so at the beginning of the war, bombing Mekelle and other areas on November 27, 2020. Invading forces have once again resorted to aerial bombardments as illustrated by the Togoga massacre, as reports of the Tigray Defense Forces making considerable gains on the ground and the government and allied forces suffering significant casualties have emerged.
Abiy has made clear throughout his genocidal war on Tigray, and especially with the bombing of the Togoga marketplace, that targeting civilians is a part of his playbook to win this war and destroy Tigray. The watchful gaze of the international community has not affected his actions, nor will any condemnations.
Abiy himself has made clear, using football as an analogy, that when your opponent is better than you, and you cannot hide from the referee, you just have to commit fouls, and more likely than not, the referee will not call it. This is what he expects when conducting ethnic cleansing and acts constituting genocide in Tigray.
As the Tigray Defense Force has taken over Mekelle and other Tigrayan cities, the international community must remain especially vigilant to any further last resort efforts from the Ethiopian government, especially aerial bombardment.
As the Tigray Defense Force has taken over Mekelle and other Tigrayan cities, the international community must remain especially vigilant to any further last resort efforts from the Ethiopian government, especially aerial bombardment.
Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam, the now exiled previous military junta leader of Ethiopia (1977-1991), and Colonel Abiy Ahmed, the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia, have more in common than their time leading Ethiopia. More than sharing the same military rank, these two leaders have similar traits, authoritarian ambitions, and visions for Ethiopia.
Mengistu Hailemariam
The military regime, which later had Mengistu at its head, came to power in 1974, hijacking a student-led revolution that aimed to overthrow the Ethiopian monarchy. The student protests that demanded Emperor Haile Selassie relinquish his power for failing to address a wide range of issues, including the famine in northern Ethiopia, triggered a larger social movement. This larger movement included protests by various groups, such as taxi drivers, Muslims, teachers, and landless farmers.
At the same time, military officers led a mutiny in Negele Borena (Southern Ethiopia), asking for better wages. They obtained support from army personnel in Asmara (Eritrea’s capital), and the mutiny, led by a group of mid-level military officers, reached Addis Ababa shortly after. What started with the military asking for a higher salary ended with the formation of a committee that overthrew Emperor Haile Selassie: the Provisional Military Administration, which quickly transitioned to the Derg. Previously a powerful Deputy, it was not until February 1977 that Mengistu violently rose up the ranks and consolidated his power by eliminating his opponents and comrades.
Mengistu started on his path to power when he was a major serving in Ethiopia’s Third Division in Harar, a strategically important southwestern market town. Because of his oratory prowess, Mengistu was selected as the Third Divisions representative to the newly formed Provisional Military Administration. His ease with the public and politics proved important in his rise to the top of Ethiopia’s military government, going from a military officer unknown to the public to the chairman of the Derg and Ethiopia’s dictatorial leader. He also later created and led Ethiopia’s Socialist Workers Party.
Ultimately, Mengistu’s time as Deputy and Chairman of the Derg lasted 17 years before he fled into exile in 1991 after allied forces— including the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), Amhara National Democtratic Movement (ANDM), and Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF)—overthrew the military regime.
Abiy Ahmed
Much like Mengistu, nobody knew who Abiy was before a social movement led to the conditions conducive for his rise to power. In Abiy’s case, it was the Qeerroo movement, an Oromo youth-led movement which started in 2017 and lasted through 2018. The Oromo youth, frustrated by the leadership of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democtratic Front (EPRDF), were effective in catalyzing a larger movement that forced the EPRDF to reshuffle its leadership and place Abiy, an ethnic Oromo and Amhara, as the leader of the party and interim Prime Minister of Ethiopia.
During the EPRDF’s reign, Abiy Ahmed served in the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), achieving the rank of lieutenant colonel. In 2007, he became the head of the Information Network Security Agency (INSA), the Ethiopian government’s organization responsible for cybersecurity.
After leaving the military and his post of Deputy Director at INSA, Abiy was elected to the House of Peoples’ Representatives as a member of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) in 2010. The OPDO was one of the four parties that formed the EPRDF ruling coalition.
In October 2015, Abiy was appointed Minister of Science and Technology under the EPRDF but held the post for only a short while, leaving that position to serve as the Vice President of the Oromia regional government. Within the OPDO, Abiy was elected head of the Secretariat in 2017.
At the same time that Abiy was rapidly moving through numerous roles in the EPRDF and OPDO, Ethiopia’s political unrest was becoming a serious concern for the EPRDF. The unrest was caused by structural issues including but not limited to the expansion of Addis Ababa, the dispossession of Oromo people from their ancestral land, and the suppression and arrest of opposition political parties from Oromia. As a result, the EPRDF sought out an Oromo leader to bring stability and peace. To this end, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who came to power following the death of former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in 2012, resigned in 2018. In an attempt to be an eligible contender to replace Desalegn as Chairman of the EPRDF, Abiy immediately swapped positions with the President of Oromia and Chairman of the OPDO at the time, Lemma Megersa. His ambitions came to fruition in April 2018 when Abiy was nominated by the EPRDF to serve as the interim Prime Minister of Ethiopia.
The Similarities of the Two Leaders
Both Mengistu and Abiy exploited the existing political conditions of their time to rise to, and stay in, power without leading or playing an integral role in the uprisings that created the conditions conducive to their political success. It was not until both sought to consolidate their power that their true authoritarian nature and brutal modus operandi were revealed.
Much like Mengistu, Abiy sees himself as the only and inevitable leader of Ethiopia, assuming that Ethiopia would fall into disrepair without him, while in reality precisely the opposite is true. Also, like Mengistu, Abiy often swears that he would live and die for Ethiopia and pretends to speak on behalf of Ethiopia’s honor and unity, when in fact he speaks on behalf of his personal apprehensions or megalomania.
During his reign, Mengistu brought Ethiopia to the brink of collapse because of his authoritarian ambitions to consolidate power by any means necessary. The same is true of Abiy today, though some commentators suggest that this time the Ethiopian empire might not survive. Much like Mengistu did, Abiy has labeled his strongest political challengers as terrorists, detained or killed the most prominent of them, and used propaganda to deceive the Ethiopian population.
Their approaches towards potential contenders within their own governing structures also share similarities: they eliminate individuals or groups who question their ability, ideology, or ambition. Mengistu secured his position at the helm of Ethiopia using harsh methods to eliminate comrades he suspected would endanger his authority, often labeling them reactionaries, anti-revolutionaries, and enemies of Ethiopia. Abiy Ahmed has similarly maintained his stronghold in Ethiopia by eliminating or sidelining his initial collaborators, mentors, and opponents. Abiy has either pushed them to exile or assigned them to positions far outside his center of power.
Abiy, as Mengistu did during his time, is using violence and oppression against his people to maintain his power and control over Ethiopia. Abiy’s administration is committing countless human rights violations, as Mengistu did during the Derg regime.
One of the bloodiest periods of Ethiopian history was during Mengistu’s military dictatorship when he attempted to quench any opposition he faced with violence. This period from 1976 to 1978, in which tens of thousands were killed by the Derg in mass murder sprees, is termed the Red Terror. Organized youth were killed across major cities and towns in Ethiopia and current day Eritrea, with the most killed in Addis Ababa, Asmara, Jimma, Gonder, Mekelle, Dessie, Assela, and Harar. Under Abiy, the oppression has taken a different form. Unlike during the Derg time, most of Addis Ababa supports their dictatorial leader today, while those who do not support Abiy remain silent out of fear. This fear comes from Abiy’s policies and strategies employed throughout the rest of the country where his opposition, and civilians branded as opposition, are extra-judiciously killed, tortured, and raped en masse.
Of all the offenses committed by Mengistu Hailemariam and Abiy Ahmed, their biggest miscalculation was getting involved in a protracted war against the people of the north. Mengistu was at war with Tigray and Eritrea for most of his time in power, as he sought to squash resistance to his centralized rule and assured access to the Red Sea. Mengistu put all his efforts into winning a war against the TPLF and Eritrean People’s Liberation Front, who sought to protect the interest and self-determination of their respective communities.
Like Mengistu, Abiy is at war with the people of Tigray in an effort to squash resistance and assure and consolidate his authority— which the TPLF and Tigray as a whole threaten. While Mengistu’s protracted war eventually ended in the victory of the TPLF and other allied movements, and the formation of the EPRDF, the outcome of Abiy’s war against the TPLF and Tigray is yet known after more than seven months.
The Lesser Evil
Although both leaders have committed heinous crimes against their citizens, Mengistu never waged systematic attacks targeting specific ethnic groups with the intent to destroy a people. Abiy is employing numerous tools of war that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, and more appropriately, genocide. The way Abiy has conducted the war on Tigray is entirely unique in the degree and extent of destruction and atrocities against innocent civilians. Abiy’s crimes are so grave that even Mengistu, who waged a barbaric war and weaponized famine, appears more human and less power-hungry than Abiy. The key difference between Mengistu and Abiy is that Mengistu did not have the intent to destroy a whole population.
Furthermore, Mengistu never sought a neighboring country’s military support to attack his own people. Eritrea’s dictator Isaias Afewerki and Abiy masterminded the attack and current genocidal war on Tigray. In addition to deploying the Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) and Eritrean military, Abiy and Isaias have found allies to support their mission. These include Ethiopia’s Amhara regional militias and special police, the Somali military, and United Arab Emirates drones. The fact that Abiy invited foreign invaders to attack his own people is the definition of an act of treason and must be considered and addressed as such.
Again, despite the similarities between Mengistu and Abiy in their dictatorial nature, Abiy inviting or at the very least allowing a foreign country to invade Ethiopia is a treasonous act to a degree unheard of in Ethiopian history. The crimes primarily being perpetrated by the ENDF, Eritrean military, and Amhara militia to exterminate the people of Tigray are so unique in their barbarism and brutality that a number of grief-stricken senior international humanitarian officials have stated that they have never witnessed such heinous crimes over the course of their humanitarian careers.
Similar to the war against the Derg, the war against Abiy and his collaborators is a fight against oppression and violence. Despite having one of Africa’s largest armies, and one of the most substantial weapon arsenals on the continent at the time, Mengistu was defeated by a popular front headed by the TPLF, forcing him to flee the country and seek asylum in Zimbabwe. This time under Abiy, the struggle of the Tigrayan people is an existential fight led by the Tigrayan Defence Force (TDF), which is composed of many civilians turned freedom fighters, whose goal is to defeat the orchestrators of the genocide in Tigray. With history as our guide, those on the side of humanity and justice will prevail.
My father was a Tegadalay– a soldier within the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), during the 17-year armed struggle against the Derg regime. In 1991, once the regime was overthrown, my father was stationed as a civilian diplomat in Assab, Eritrea. He worked there for seven years.
Following that he was stationed in Djibouti, where he worked for over 10 years. From there, he returned to Ethiopia for five years to work as a Directorate for the Ethiopian Diaspora Committee, within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Addis Ababa. He was subsequently briefly stationed in Abu Dhabi and Beirut, following that.
My father worked abroad for most of my life, so we spent little time in Ethiopia throughout my childhood.
That said, we did spend a year in Mekelle, Tigray, where we moved after my father retired from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after his assignment ended in Beirut. While there, he worked for Messobo Cemento, a construction firm, as an investment relations representative. My father had hopes of widening the pool of investors, so he travelled to Djibouti to set up an office and explore this further.
Three weeks prior to Abiy Ahmed waging war on Tigray, my father had spoken to an investor who assisted him in finding an office space in Djibouti and with general queries. Once hostilities began, my father was unable to reach his team in Mekelle. He was left with no option but to stay with his investor in Djibouti waiting to hear back from his team.
Abiy arrived in Djibouti in May for an official visit and at the time of the PM’s visits, my father was arrested. In an act of desperation, unable to speak to my father, the investor informed my family that my father was arrested under the pretext of precautionary measures for his safety.
“Abiy arrived in Djibouti in May for an official visit and at the time of the PM’s visits, my father was arrested. In an act of desperation, unable to speak to my father.”
My father was imprisoned for five days. Upon his release, he told us his passport and ID were taken from him. Without his passport and unable to return to his home in Tigray, my father felt that his only choice was to register as a refugee with the UNHCR.
One morning, while having breakfast with his investor, soldiers took him from a cafe to a detention center. He was transported from Djibouti to Addis Ababa and has been detained in the capital city ever since.
My father is without his medicine and my family and I haven’t been able to speak to him. Recently, we learned the grounds of his arrest: the Ethiopian government has accused him of fleeing the country and being part of the TPLF “criminal clique.”
“My father is without his medicine and my family and I haven’t been able to speak to him. Recently, we learned the grounds of his arrest: the Ethiopian government has accused him of fleeing the country and being part of the TPLF “criminal clique.””
Although my father was not military personnel, the news coverage from the state-owned media or in support of the Ethiopian government has labelled my father a Colonel. My father has now become one of Abiy’s victims during the genocidal war on Tigray. His identity and prior affiliation with the TPLF has allowed Abiy’s administration to label him as a criminal.
He had a court date set for mid-June, which has since been postponed twice. Given the narrative perpetuated about my father and the labeling of the TPLF as a “criminal clique,” I don’t believe he will receive a fair trial.
I was born in Addis Ababa, the capital and largest city of Ethiopia. When I was 2 years old, my family moved to Bishoftu, 45 kilometres from the capital. Both of my parents are from Tigray, a region in northern Ethiopia. At a young age, they were both a part of the armed struggle that overthrew the Derg regime as members of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).
In 1991, once the Derg was overthrown, my mother left the TPLF and began working in Addis Ababa. My father remained a part of the TPLF and worked for the Ethiopian Air Force in Bishoftu. My father died suddenly in 2006, after which my mother and I moved back to Addis Ababa. Life was difficult, but we adjusted. I performed well in school and graduated from Addis Ababa University with a Degree in Electro-mechanical Engineering in 2017. Soon after graduating, I began working as an engineer.
“As a Tigrayan, I noticed dramatic changes in my social and professional life soon after Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018. The TPLF, and Tigrayans, became easy targets as Abiy began consolidating power.”
As a Tigrayan, I noticed dramatic changes in my social and professional life soon after Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018. The TPLF, and Tigrayans, became easy targets as Abiy began consolidating power. When leaving work one evening, a man approached me, called me by my name, and said, “Do you think you’re going to live a good life after what your father did to us?” I was confused. I had no idea what he was referring to – I asked him what he meant. He then insulted me and tried to hit me. I was left confused by the ordeal. I was followed and harassed on more than one occasion after this incident.
“You are a nobody and have no power to ask about this.”
In February 2018, I was abruptly fired from my job with no warning. My line manager told me the decision was above him and advised me to speak to an HR Representative to raise my grievance. When I did, he smirked and said, “You are a nobody and have no power to ask about this.” The same month, while I was out for a walk one evening, I felt someone following me – I began walking faster, after which he began chasing me. I reached a dark spot when I heard a gunshot and heard him say, “Stop, you son of a bitch.” I reported the incident to a local police station; when I provided my ID to a police officer, he noted my ethnicity and mocked me. He made remarks about Tigrayans stealing from the country and threw my ID in my face.
At that point, I knew the authorities in Addis Ababa could not protect me, so I went to Tigray (before the war on Tigray), hoping I would be safer there. I went to speak to an official at the Regional Government Office and asked for protection, but I was told they were unable to offer protection since I was not associated with the TPLF.
With no other option, I returned to Bishoftu to stay with family friends. I remained there for a while before a family member felt my safety was under threat and advised me to leave the country. Out of fear of the current administration and the threats made, my family and I decided that fleeing Ethiopia was best for my safety.
Since arriving in Europe two years ago, away from the looming threat of being followed and harassed, I feel much safer. However, my safety and security are in jeopardy now as I am facing deportation. The lives of the children, dependents, and current members of the elected government of Tigray have been under attack since November 4, 2020, and I fear mine will be too. Given the threats made to my life and the ongoing war on Tigray, I am fearful of what will await me if I am deported.
“I urge you all to uphold our peace, in the name of a mother, who is the first to suffer from the absence of peace.” It is hard to believe this remark came from the first female president of a country that is currently accused of invading its own region, starving its people in a man-made famine, ethnic cleansing, and weaponzied rape.
When addressing the Ethiopian parliament on the day of her appointment in 2018, President of Ethiopia Sahle-Work Zewde further claimed that “If the current change in Ethiopia is headed equally by both men and women, it can sustain its momentum and realise a prosperous Ethiopia, free of religious, ethinic and gender discrimination.”
In addition to appointing the first female president, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s widespread reforms also included filling more than 50 percent of his cabinet with female ministers, including Minister of Health Dr. Liya Tadesse, Minister of Peace Muferiat Kamil, and President of the Federal Supreme Court Meaza Ashenafi. Such appointments were widely praised by gender equality advocates in Ethiopia and Africa. Many hoped that the appointments of women to senior positions of leadership would meaningfully challenge patriarchal systems in Ethiopia and that it would empower women and girls across the nation to achieve success.
The optimism for peace and gender equality under the leadership of women was short-lived, especially for Tigrayan women who have faced the brunt of the war on Tigray. As reported by multiple sources, including U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, ethnic cleansing, man-made famine, weaponized Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV), and numerous other atrocities have been taking place in Tigray since Abiy Ahmed waged a genocidal war on Tigray in November 2020.
As the main tool of this genocidal war, women and girls have been subjected to horrific sexual violences, with some held captive as sex slaves for extended periods of time. As reported by multiple health facilities in various parts of Tigray, some of these women have been repeatedly raped and abused by multiple Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers since the start of the war. Fathers and grandfathers have been forced to rape their daughters and family members. Nuns and elderly priests’ wives have been gang-raped in front of their husbands and children. Rape victims range from the age of 4 to the age of 72.
In the midst of all this, the silence of most of the female high-level Ethiopian officials has been deafening. Many have simply referred to the war on Tigray as a “law enforcement operation.” Though President Sahle-Work’s visit to Tigray’s capital, Mekelle, in early March 2021 might have appeared to acknowledge Tigrayan women’s experience, it was futile. The President’s visit to a one-stop center and safe house where SGBV survivors receive medical care proved counterproductive, as the President was accompanied by soldiers whose comrades are those who violently violated the SGBV survivors. Most of the women refused to talk to the President, in fear of retaliatory assaults after sharing their experiences. Some did however tell their stories and express what it means to be a Tigrayan woman in Tigray during this time.
Appointed as Ethiopia’s first Minister of Peace, Muferiat Kamil is supposed to foster and build peace, yet her inaction during such a time in Ethiopian history renders her position meaningless. The Ministry was created in 2018 to promote peace, democracy, development, and to help maintain law and order in Ethiopia. Since its creation, the Ministry has been criticized for not showing deserved interest in first resolving the tension between the federal government and the Tigray region, and then being complicit in a genocidal war.
After the war erupted, an African Union delegation and Tigray’s elected President Debretsion Gebremichael asked Abiy for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, which Abiy rejected. While expected to intervene, the Minister of Peace has failed to react to Abiy’s war on Tigray in which atrocities amounting to genocide are occurring. She also has stayed silent in the face of civil unrest and atrocities committed across the country.
Ethiopia’s legal system, which is also being led by a woman, has equally failed the young women and girls who were once empowered by her appointment. Meaza Ashenafi, who is an experienced lawyer, was appointed by Abiy as the President of the Federal Supreme Court of Ethiopia in 2018. Prior to the war on Tigray, Meaza had a reputation for standing up for women, as she gained fame when her story of representing a young woman who was raped was turned into a movie titled “Difret.” The movie, which was produced by Angelina Jolie, won multiple international awards. Yet, two years later, a woman who was once applauded for representing a rape survivor is now silent as thousands of Tigrayan women are being gang-raped, and going through what some have described as “a glimpse of hell.”
Some connect Meaza’s current behavior to controversial remarks she made in 2019 about the need for federal military intervention to capture high-level Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) officials, who she referred to as “criminals.” Her comments were critically rejected by Tigrayans, who saw the accusations against their elected TPLF officials as an attack on their right to self-determination. Before the war, Meaza also suggested enforcing “the rule of law” in Tigray, laying the foundation for Abiy’s Tigray “law enforcement operation” narrative when intending to conduct a genocidal war.
As an individual who was once inspired by the nomination of these women to positions of power in Ethiopia’s government, it is disheartening to see the way that these women have failed the Tigrayan people during the genocidal war on Tigray. The extent of heinous crimes being committed in Tigray and discrimination against ethnic Tigrayans across the country could have been minimized, if not stopped, had these officials stood for humanity. There is truly no justification to why these women have remained idle and complicit in war crimes and crimes against humanity during this unprecedented period of Ethiopia’s history.
Fana Gebremariam – Omna Tigray Contributor, June 2021
At the inauguration of Ethiopia’s tree-planting program, unelected Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed told policy makers that the country’s Green Legacy effort is as equally important as other events occurring in the country, alluding to the genocide taking place in Tigray.
“Unelected Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed told policy makers that the country’s Green Legacy effort is as equally important as other events occurring in the country, alluding to the genocide taking place in Tigray.”
The Green Legacy initiative was launched to prevent and combat the consequences of environmental degradation. It aims to address adversities such as natural disasters and food insecurity; paradoxically, the Ethiopian federal government is causing food insecurity in the Tigray regional state by conspiring with Eritrean forces to burn Tigrayan farmland, obstruct critical aid routes, and withhold and loot food aid. Such acts are part of a genocidal war with the goal of destroying Tigray in every aspect. Another main component of the Tigray genocide is the destruction of religious heritage sites. Abiy’s administration has enabled such destruction while flooding official government social media accounts with ostentatious photo ops in newly developed parks and recreation centers.
Photos of these new parks posted on Twitter are typically accompanied by hashtags such as #EthiopiaPrevails and #UnityForEthiopia, two fabricated campaigns created to divert attention from the Tigray genocide. The Ethiopian federal government has encouraged the Ethiopian diaspora to participate in these strategies, using glorified parks and recreation centers to overshadow the atrocities and war crimes being committed in Tigray at the hands of the government and its allies.
“The Ethiopian federal government has encouraged the Ethiopian diaspora to participate in these strategies, using glorified parks and recreation centers to overshadow the atrocities and war crimes being committed in Tigray.”
Unsurprisingly, Abiy has mentioned environmental initiatives via his official Twitter accounts nearly 30 times since the war on Tigray was declared in early November 2020. Mentions of land disturbance and attacks on religious sites in Tigray seem limited to one.
Actively bombing and burning areas of Tigray exacerbates environmental degradation and counteracts all green initiatives. Addressing the atrocities occurring upon places of worship does not follow the #EthiopiaPrevails agenda, so these events are silenced or manipulated to obscure facts. A consortium of Tigrayan religious institutions has, however, recently released a document identifying the names of several hundred murdered religious leaders and a dozen damaged or destroyed places of worship that have been targeted in the Tigray genocide.
“A consortium of Tigrayan religious institutions has recently released a document identifying the names of several hundred murdered religious leaders and a dozen damaged or destroyed places of worship that have been targeted in the Tigray genocide.”
Tigray is home to numerous sacred heritage sites. It is believed that the early seventh-century followers of Islam’s Prophet Muhammed were given refuge in the Axumite Kingdom, a place known for freedom of religion and peaceful religious coexistence, after fleeing persecution around Mecca. Al-Negashi mosque in Tigray is one of the oldest, most sacred places of worship for Muslims around the world. The Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) launched a project in 2015 to renovate the Islamic heritage site and had hopes for it to become a major destination for religious tourism prior to recent destruction. Sheikh Adem Abdulkadir, who was president of Tigray State’s Supreme Council Islamic Affairs at the time, stated, “The history of Nejashi – and the ancient mosque of Nejashi – means a great deal to Ethiopia and the world.” Unfortunately, the mosque was not deemed valuable enough to avoid being bombed and looted by Ethiopian and Eritrean forces. This attack resulted in civilian deaths as well as heavy damage to the mosque and tombs of prominent Islamic figures.
Since the start of the genocidal war, there has been an ongoing pattern of Ethiopian and Eritrean forces targeting religious sites in Tigray for desecration, looting, and massacres. Cherkos Church in Zalambessa, Debro Damo monastery, and Mariam Dengelat Church are among the several places of worship that were violently targeted. The massacre at Saint Mariam Tsion church in Axum is one of the deadliest events of the Tigray genocide thus far.
“Cherkos Church in Zalambessa, Debro Damo monastery, and Mariam Dengelat Church are among the several places of worship that were violently targeted. The massacre at Saint Mariam Tsion church in Axum is one of the deadliest events of the Tigray genocide.”
Amnesty International published an extensive 25-page report detailing the series of deadly attacks that terrorized Axum civilians in late November 2020. Satellite imagery of disturbed earth surrounding churches such as Arba’etu Ensessa and Abune Aregawi are consistent with witness testimonies in identifying mass grave sites. For some families, burying their loved ones was not an immediate option. As reported by Amnesty, Eritrean troops shot at those who sought to remove bodies from the streets. “Everyone was afraid soldiers would kill people who helped bury the dead,” a witness of the tragic massacres in Axum recalled. The inhumane practice of prohibited mourning is eerily reminiscent of the Ethiopian Red Terror when people were forbidden to mourn slain family members, and sometimes ordered to pay a bullet fee if they wished to retrieve the body. In Axum, bodies were left on the ground for days in an effort to psychologically terrorize civilians.
Despite being the target of oppressive violence throughout history, Tigrayans have maintained their strong sense of religion. Tigray holds significant roots in both Christianity and Islam, and the people cherish their religious heritage. Sacred religious sites in Tigray are not only important to Tigrayans, but to people around the world, and the international community must call for their preservation.
Along with indiscriminately killing civilians at places of worship and religious site destruction, Ethiopian and Eritrean forces have reportedly looted several highly valuable century-old religious artifacts. Academics from the Hiob Ludolf Centre for Ethiopian and Eritrean Studies at Hamburg University warn that “…[looted religious artifacts will] be taken out of Ethiopia to be sold at antiquities markets in other countries.”
“Along with indiscriminately killing civilians at places of worship and religious site destruction, Ethiopian and Eritrean forces have reportedly looted several highly valuable century-old religious artifacts.”
The destruction and looting of sacred churches, monasteries, and mosques is a form of cultural genocide that violates the International Criminal Court’s Rome Statute (Article 7(1)(h)). The expropriation of sacred materials and the violent attacks on heritage sites are intentional attempts to psychologically demoralize and humiliate the people of Tigray. While the humanitarian crisis should take priority over protection of religious sites, deliberate attacks on places of worship contribute to the systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing against Tigrayans.
“The expropriation of sacred materials and the violent attacks on heritage sites are intentional attempts to psychologically demoralize and humiliate the people of Tigray.”
As the Abiy administration flaunts newly renovated parks around the country, Tigrayan land is increasingly converted into mass burial sites. While it is unquestionable that a more environmentally-conscious Ethiopia is vital to conserving the nation’s rich geographical diversity, such efforts should never take priority over human lives. Attempts from the Ethiopian federal government to ameliorate the destabilization in Tigray are minimal, while questionably-timed promotion of green initiatives frequent official government social media accounts.
It is clear that ending the cultural genocide and ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans is not the prime concern of the Ethiopian federal government. The state-sponsored media has been dangerously downplaying genocide, stating that Tigray only comprises a small percentage of the country’s population. Such a statement implies that the world should not show much concern about the ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans. This evasion of responsibility to protect citizens, like prioritizing parks over people, contributes to the frequent dehumanization of Tigrayans. The world must condemn the violations of international law committed by the Ethiopian federal government, Amhara militias, and Eritrean troops, including attacks on religious heritage sites.
“Genocide Tigrayans is not the prime concern of the Ethiopian federal government. The state-sponsored media has been dangerously downplaying genocide, stating that Tigray only comprises a small percentage of the country’s population.”
As stated by Dr. Eric Meyers, a professor of Judaic studies at Duke University, “Destroying a country’s most beloved, noble or beautiful sites enables invaders to amplify the damage they inflict. It’s like shooting someone in their core, where it hurts the most.”
“The world must condemn the violations of international law committed by the Ethiopian federal government, Amhara militias, and Eritrean troops, including attacks on religious heritage sites.”
I was a fan of Tiffany Haddish — perhaps oddly — not because of her stand-up or her movies but because of an interview she had with Stephen Colbert. Her journey, as she touched on in that interview, and her resilience left an impression on me. Later when I read of her trip to her ancestral Eritrea and saw images of her in traditional Eritrean clothes on the red carpet, I found her to be even more relatable. It was easy for me to identify with what I perceived to be her quest for roots, belonging, and a fuller understanding of an identity that was rightly hers, but one she was periphery to by circumstance.
This was my impression of Tiffany until I re-encountered her recently in decidedly different circumstances. Seven months into a brutal conflict in the Tigray region of Ethiopia that is quickly becoming one of the worst humanitarian crisis with all indicators pointing to deliberate genocide orchestrated by the Eritrean and Ethiopian governments – I, to my dismay, came across an audio clip from a Club House discussion in which Tiffany quite inexplicably asks “Where are the bodies?”
This was quite rightly met with a significant amount of disbelief, shock, and anger amongst Tigrayans. Such callousness seemed almost incomprehensible to those of us battered by collective trauma as a result of consuming an unending catalogue of horror on a daily basis for the last 219 days and counting. To the many processing the loss of family and friends as well as the unrelenting anxiety of not knowing about the welfare of loved ones, such a statement could only be considered downright abusive.
Having made this statement, Tiffany not only doubled down and defended her unforgivable statement, but she went on to taunt Tigrayans on social media by amplifying the worst examples of atrocity denial and those voices promoting state-sanctioned violence, including the weaponization of rape on a scale rarely, if ever, seen.
More particularly Tiffany shared an easily debunkedpropaganda piece by the Eritrean government and an articlewritten by Jeff Pearce, a Canadian who for reasons known only to himself, has made a career of denying and justifying the atrocities being committed by the Ethiopian and Eritrean regimes. In behavior that can only be described as toxic, Tiffany also continues to attack those who engage her to provide explanations with bizarre accusations that barely make sense.
And yet, not only have there been little to no consequences for a Hollywood celebrity who is taking advantage of her privileged perch to mock, ridicule, and deny horrific brutality, there is little expectation that she will suffer any backlash. This, it seems to me, speaks volumes about the value of Black Africans’ lives, particularly those from the continent. It would seem that the world has become so inured to the mass deaths and almost perennial misery of Africans that someone who ululates at our deaths and who declares our suffering an act barely raises eyebrows.
Even worse, some have justified Tiffany’s statement in saying that the situation is a ‘polarizing’ one and characteristic of complex African realities. When it comes down to it, such justifications are nothing but variations of statements like “there are good people on both sides” or “we don’t know the whole story” used to excuse systemic abuse the world over. The African American and the Jewish communities, which Tiffany claims to belong to, have firsthand experience of how these euphemisms are deployed to excuse state-sanctioned violence against minorities whose deaths and suffering are relativized, politicized, and even glorified for the better good.
What is happening in Tigray is not complex. We have seen it before only too many times — most recently in Darfur and Rwanda. It is the systematic elimination of an ethnic minority. As the world watches seemingly helplessly, women and girls are being gang-raped with, what perpetrators acknowledge, to be genocidal intent. Young men and boys are massacred lest they resist. Priests are being murdered. Cultural and religious heritage is being destroyed to irrevocably erase a culture and identity. Today, more than 5 million people are being driven inexorably to starvation.
In light of all of this, that Tiffany asked to see broken and bloodied bodies transcends the terrible to the nightmarish and the ghoulish. That she will probably be allowed to go on with her career regardless — even portraying such a global Black icon as Florence Griffith Joyner — is only a testament that African lives, bodies, and stories, especially those of African minorities, are barely a part of our global consciousness.
I can only hope that one day continental Africans and the descendants of Africans across the world will learn to value each other, our deaths, our bodies, and our stories enough to not let such disregard and abuse pass unchecked — even from one of our own. I hope too that we will no longer allow any arguments that try to justify or relativize violence against us under the patronizing guise of African problems being complex when what is really meant is that there are instances when it is alright to look past African deaths and certain conditions under which African Lives do not matter.
Meron T Gebreananaye – Omna Tigray External Contributor, June 2021
Ethiopia has been planning its sixth and long-awaited federal parliament and regional council elections since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in April 2018. Although elections were initially planned for May 2020, Abiy postponed national elections citing COVID-19 outbreaks and threats to national security as a pretext. Despite this postponement, the Tigrayan Regional Council conducted its constitutionally mandated regional elections in September 2020. The election, which resulted in a newly formed Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led government, was met by a declaration of war by the Ethiopian federal government with support from the Eritrean government and Amhara regional forces.
“The election, which resulted in a newly formed Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led government, was met by a declaration of war by the Ethiopian federal government with support from the Eritrean government and Amhara regional forces.”
Yet, as recently as the beginning of May 2021, the Ethiopian government was planning to hold its elections at a time of COVID-19 resurgence and internal conflict and instability rivaling the most violent times of Ethiopian history—putting into question its true intentions behind delaying the elections. Most recently, the Ethiopian government postponed the elections set to take place on June 5, 2021, not because of COVID-19 or the ongoing conflict throughout the country, but because “practically, it became impossible to deliver all these at the originally slated dates” [1]Aljazeera. (2021, May 15). Ethiopia delays polls again amid security, logistical challenges. Aljazeera. … Continue reading, as per the chairwoman of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). The government now plans to hold elections in late June 2021.
Unfulfilled Promises
Abiy’s promise to further democratize Ethiopia has been left unfulfilled. By partaking in authoritarian practices and rulings, including manipulating elections, to serve the goals and desires of his Prosperity Party (PP), Abiy has made Ethiopia a source of instability in the Horn of Africa after having been a force of regional stability for decades.
Leading up to these June 2021 elections, Abiy’s administration has imprisoned opposition leaders and members and suppressed voter rights. Additionally, the ongoing COVID-19 outbreaks, the genocide occurring in Tigray, and delays in the electoral voter processes make these elections anything but free, fair, and democratic. All these barriers would not allow Ethiopian citizens to express their right to suffrage. The following sections will amply describe the factors that make these elections far from exemplary.
“Abiy’s promise to further democratize Ethiopia has been left unfulfilled. By partaking in authoritarian practices and rulings, including manipulating elections, to serve the goals and desires of his Prosperity Party (PP).” #ShamEthiopianElection
Upon being appointed as a transitional Prime Minister by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Abiy formed a new party, the Prosperity Party (PP), which in turn dissolved the EPRDF. The EPRDF consisted of four major parties: the TPLF, the Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), and the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM). Abiy formed the PP by bringing together the OPDO, ANDM, SEPDM, and other ethinic based parties.
The TPLF rejected the formation of the PP on the grounds of unconstitutionality, as such a change would require changing the constitution–a decision which should be made by an elected parliament whose mandate has not expired. Upon the establishment of the PP, Abiy appointed the heads of each region’s government, except for in Tigray where the dissenting TPLF were in power and were re-elected during the constitutionally mandated, but elsewhere postponed, elections in September 2020. In forming the PP, Abiy took the role of an elected official and used it to put forth a unitarist political agenda. The PP aims to dismantle the federal system that existed under the EPRDF in exchange for a centralized government.
After postponing elections in 2020, the government started to prepare to hold the elections in 2021. What was clear, however, is that the PP would remain the ruling party. The PP currently dominates the governments of the ten regional states. Even if other parties take part in the elections, most are rooted in their respective regions and do not have organizational outreach outside their region; therefore, they will only be able to obtain a small number of votes and parliamentary seats, in comparison to the far-reaching PP. The PP’s national presence will enable it to win enough votes in each region, which will eventually add up to the 274 parliamentary seats needed to form a government. The federal parliament currently has a total of 547 seats [2]Hailu, F. (2021, February 5). Election 2021: Ethiopia’s transition from a dominant coalition to a dominant party. Ethiopia Insight. … Continue reading and cannot exceed 550 [3]Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Constitution, Article 54 (3) https://ethiopianembassy.be/wp-content/uploads/Constitution-of-the-FDRE.pdf.
Although tensions have risen among some of the ruling regional parties within the PP, it will still be able to gain the necessary votes to win the election. Other opposition parties and legitimate contenders in the election have been forced out of the political landscape; their voices suppressed with opposition leaders being imprisoned. Such suppression leading to the inaudible presence of opposition parties greatly limits their ability to gain parliamentary seats.
“After postponing elections in 2020, the government started to prepare to hold the elections in 2021. What was clear, however, is that the PP would remain the ruling party. The PP currently dominates the governments of the ten regional states.”
Abiy’s administration is able to maintain its stronghold on the Ethiopian people and politics through the media. The most prominent media outlets in Ethiopia are government-funded and controlled. Therefore, Abiy can use the media as his free platform to spew his propaganda and dominate the political discourse. Ethiopian media outlets continue to “frame the June [2021] election[s] as critical in laying a democratic foundation” [4]Oumer, B. (2021, April 28). Ethiopia should reschedule the June election. Here is why. Kichuu Info. https://kichuu.com/ethiopia-should-reschedule-the-june-election-here-is-why/, as they persuade the public using divisive rhetoric and propaganda. Abiy’s propaganda machine even extends to the U.S.; a recent exposé on Voice of America’s coverage of Ethiopia and specifically the war on Tigray strongly condemned VOA’s journalistic practices, supported by both former and current employees [5]Turse, N. (2021, May 21). Propaganda Machine. The Intercept. https://theintercept.com/2021/05/21/voice-of-america-ethiopia-bias/.
By controlling the media and journalists, the PP has been able to conceal the war crimes and ethnic cleansing happening in Tigray. Without the oversight of domestic media, international coverage, and social media, it becomes harder to demonstrate how the media is being used as a tool to manipulate the narrative surrounding the elections; but there is no doubt that it is happening.
Political Repression
Political repression has been another key tool used by the PP to ensure citizens vote for Abiy. The continuous postponement of the elections to control voter registration and the election campaign and the silencing of regional opposition parties indicate political repression.
The NEBE, whose chairwoman was appointed by Abiy, is responsible for the postponement of the 2020 and 2021 elections. The Board did not offer credible explanations or insight into their decision-making process. The NEBE has played and continues to play a crucial role in making the upcoming elections unfair, as the Board does not have rules that require the incumbent to consult opposition parties when making important decisions regarding election postponement. Political consensus from all political parties is required to ensure that election processes and decisions are fair and not serving one group over another.
“The NEBE, whose chairwoman was appointed by Abiy, is responsible for the postponement of the 2020 and 2021 elections. The Board did not offer credible explanations or insight into their decision-making process.” #ShamEthiopianElection
Opposition party leaders are being imprisoned, making it harder for the opposition parties to have a fair shot at the elections. The “[…] imprisonment of senior leaders from the Oromo Federalist Congress, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Baladeras for Genuine Democracy, and many other parties means PP will have less opposition” [6]Hailu, F. (2021, February 5). Election 2021: Ethiopia’s transition from a dominant coalition to a dominant party. Ethiopia Insight. … Continue reading. With the majority of opposition party senior leaders in prison, the widespread repression of other candidates by the government, and the denial of opposition parties or candidates running any campaign, free and democratic elections cannot happen.
Some of the imprisoned senior leaders include Bekele Gerba, Jawar Mohammed, Hamza Borena, Eskinder Nega, Sintayehu Chekol, Aster Seyoum, Dejene Tafa, Gemechu Ayana, Shemsedin Taha Murataa Sabaa, and Mohamed Ragasa—all of whom would have played instrumental roles in making these elections not only competitive but also representative of the people and their political parties. Hundreds of local party leaders have also been put in jail [7]Hailu, F. (2021, February 5). Election 2021: Ethiopia’s transition from a dominant coalition to a dominant party. Ethiopia Insight. … Continue reading. The majority of these opposition leaders have been jailed on trumped-up charges and false allegations because they threaten the PP’s dominance. With no participation of credible political opponents, the pending elections end up being a “one-man-show.”
Voter Disinterest, Boycotts, and Suppression
In 2021, there has been a lack of interest in voting as the majority of the population is not represented by the participating parties. Since prominent political leaders and community members have been put in prison, very few individuals desire to vote in an election with only one option.
“In 2021, there has been a lack of interest in voting as the majority of the population is not represented by the participating parties. Since prominent political leaders and community members have been put in prison.” #ShamEthiopianElection
This widespread disinterest in voting is reflected in low voter registration. In fact, at the end of April 2021, the voter registration period was extended as only “[…] 18.4 million out of the 50 million potential voters have so far registered to vote” [8]Famagusta Gazette. (2021, April 25). Voter registration for Ethiopia general elections extended by two weeks. Famagusta Gazette. … Continue reading. Ethiopian government officials have been frustrated by the numbers, as they seem to be lower than the expected voter registration goal. Low voter registration could also suggest both voter suppression and election boycotts. To inflate the number of voters in rural areas, there are claims that Abiy’s administration has tied possession of voter cards with some benefits like having access to fertilizer and seeds. In urban areas, some have confirmed being coerced into registering to vote when they visited their local government for other public services.
There are also multiple examples of voter repression around the country. For example, on April 11, 2021, the Harari Regional State Council criticised the NEBE’s decision to “invalidate the [votes of] members of the Harari community [living] outside their regional state” [9]Mekonnen, S. (2021, April 13). News: Harari National Congress says decision by Electoral Board ‘Not Acceptable. Adidas Standard. … Continue reading. In past elections, Harari people living outside their region could easily fill out absentee ballots. Due to the NEBE’s decision, the Ethiopian Supreme Court has challenged the order to restrict voting rights to reverse the decision. Such a decision by the NEBE is not only illustrative of voter suppression practices used in the elections but also highlights the power, influence, and authority the NEBE has to implement such a decision.
HCO, and all #Hararis around the world, condemn the decision of @NEBEthiopia to limit #Harari voting rights.
We see the decision of NEBE & other recent activities as an encroachment on Harari rights to self-determination & a precursor to further disenfranchisement of #Harar|is. pic.twitter.com/SVVPGMnz47
— Harari Council of Ontario (@HarariCouncilON) April 12, 2021
Further, prominent opposition political parties who have been repressed and extremely constrained by Abiy’s administration have boycotted the elections. In December 2020, the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) released a statement saying: “As the OFC has repeatedly expressed in the past, it finds it extremely difficult to take part in the election when the majority of its members […] who are competing, coordinating, and observing elections are imprisoned, and majority of its offices, except for its headquarters, are closed” [10]Adidas Standard. (2021, May 29). Opposition Party Oromo Federalist Congress Says It Will Find It “Extremely Hard” To Take Part In Coming Elections Under Existing Conditions. Addis Standard. … Continue reading. Opposition parties continue to boycott voting today as security conditions in Oromo, Tigray, and Amhara continue to deteriorate, negatively impacting the credibility of the upcoming elections.
COVID-19
Abiy used COVID-19 as an excuse to postpone the federal election originally scheduled for May 2020. At the time of the postponement, COVID-19 cases were relatively low, making it possible to hold the elections while abiding to proper safety measures and protocols. Prior to making a unilateral decision to postpone the elections, the NEBE should have facilitated a discussion regarding the postponement with all oppositional political parties, including the TPLF, and tried to obtain a consensus. Instead, in March 2020, Abiy went ahead and had the NEBE “postpone” the elections. It is clear, however, especially in retrospect, that the postponement was just an attempt to extend Abiy’s time in power.
“Abiy used COVID-19 as an excuse to postpone the federal election originally scheduled for May 2020. COVID-19 cases were relatively low, making it possible to hold the elections while abiding to proper safety measures.” #ShamEthiopianElection
COVID-19 still poses a serious threat to the elections in that “voter and candidate registration, voter education, organization of polling stations and constituencies, election campaigns and voting” are still impaired by the pandemic [11]Alemu, G. (2021, February 8). Ethiopia’s next poll could be more competitive. But big challenges remain. The Conversation. … Continue reading. However, COVID-19 was not cited as a reason for the 2021 elections postponement; instead the NEBE cited a “plethora of logistical delays, such as finalising voter registration, training electoral staff, printing and distributing ballot papers” [12]Al Jazeera. (2021, May 15). Ethiopia delays polls again amid security, logistical challenges. Al Jazeera. … Continue reading. Hence, although COVID-19 cases have been rising at alarming rates, Abiy still plans to hold elections with a foregone conclusion to consolidate and strengthen his own power and authority.
Safety and Security
One of the main factors, if not the main one, contributing to the fraudulent nature of the June 2021 elections is the security situation in the country. Abiy’s administration is responsible for leading Ethiopia into a state of dire internal conflict, in which the government and its allies are committing war crimes that severely affect the personal safety and livelihoods of people in Tigray, Oromia, and Benishangul-Gumuz. The most dire situation is in Tigray, where the Ethiopian government has waged a genocidal war. Over 5 million Tigrayans are on the verge of mass starvation, along with facing numerous other genocidal acts. Tigray is the only region where the elections have been “postponed” until security is restored, and election polls are established [13]Alemu, G. (2021, February 8). Ethiopia’s next poll could be more competitive. But big challenges remain. The Conversation. … Continue reading.
Civilians in other Ethiopian regions also face food shortages and scarcity, and have been denied the right to access food and aid. In a leaked document from Oromia Region PP officials, the Ethiopian government threatens that those who refuse to vote in the upcoming elections will be denied from obtaining food aid [14]TriState Tegaru Advocacy Group. (2021, April 20). Instagram Post. TriState Tegaru Advocacy Group, April 18, 2021. Unfortunately, because senior opposition leaders are imprisoned, they are not able to stop the PP or intervene to ensure that food aid is not getting abused and threatened.
“In a leaked document from Oromia Region PP officials, the Ethiopian government threatens that those who refuse to vote in the upcoming elections will be denied from obtaining food aid” #ShamEthiopianElection
By unilaterally deciding to delay the elections in March 2020, Abiy’s administration breached the Ethiopian federal constitution, which mandates elections every five years. Abiy not only postponed the elections, but also made drastic reforms and pushed his agenda prior to obtaining legitimacy through elections. Abiy has manipulated the elections to serve his interests of centralizing power, dismantling the ethno-federalist government structure, and repressing his political opponents.
“Abiy’s administration breached the Ethiopian federal constitution, which mandates elections every five years. Abiy not only postponed the elections, but also made drastic reforms and pushed his agenda prior to obtaining legitimacy through elections.”
Since the postponement of the elections, Abiy has led the country to the verge of complete disintegration through political repression, state-sponsored genocide, fueling ethnic violence, and holding any elections unrealistic and any results illegitimate. Before any election can occur, cessation of violence, national dialogue, and reform need to take place to ensure the safety of the electorate and the people of Ethiopia.
“Since the postponement of the elections, Abiy has led the country to the verge of complete disintegration through political repression, state-sponsored genocide, fueling ethnic violence, & holding any elections unrealistic and any results illegitimate.”
As expressed by U.S. Senators concerned about the elections, “ […] if elections move forward without reforms required to earn the trust of the Ethiopian public, growing ethnic and political tensions across the country will boil over into even greater violence” [15]Ben Cardin. U.S. Senator of Maryland. (2021, April 30). Senators Detail Urgency in Ethiopia, Ahead of Regional Travel by Biden’s Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa. Press Release. … Continue reading. As long as Abiy continues his unfair election practices and policies or is elected during extremely flawed elections, stability in Ethiopia will not be achieved.
In March 2021, the United Nations (UN) agreed to conduct a joint investigation of the human rights violations committed by all actors during the conflict in Tigray with the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC). Since November 2020, mass atrocities, including war crimes have been committed against innocent civilians by various parties around the region. In order to hold the perpetrators accountable and bring justice to the victims, an independent investigation of the war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide is needed. The EHRC is not an independent organization, therefore, a joint investigation will not be impartial or credible.
The EHRC’s lack of impartiality, credibility, and promptness has been evident since the start of the conflict in November 2020. Many reports of atrocities have surfaced since the beginning of the conflict. Some of these atrocities include the massacre of civilians, weaponized starvation, sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and destruction and looting of essential infrastructures. Yet, the EHRC has failed to investigate or issue statements on several of these atrocities being committed during the genocidal war in Tigray.
Lack of Impartiality, Credibility and Promptness
Delays in investigations carried out by the EHRC and sharing of findings contribute to the EHRC’s lack of credibility. On February 26, 2021, Amnesty International (AI) reported the massacre in Axum. It was not until after this investigation occurred and the findings were reported that the EHRC visited Axum to conduct their own investigation. The results from this investigation were not released until March 23, 2021, nearly four months after the massacre. This delay is a red flag because the EHRC is not taking initiative to address human rights violations, diminishing the organization’s credibility.
Language used by the EHRC demonstrates its lack of partiality, as it endorses land grabbing, ethnic cleansing, and genocide against Tigrayans. For example, it uses phrases like “Residents of Tigray,” instead of “the people of Tigray” or “Tigrayans.” This is a deliberate attempt to undermine the Tigrayan suffering and identity. Also in referring to Western Tigray as “North-Western Ethiopia,” they are affiliating Western Tigray regions with Amhara region instead of Tigray. Tigrayans are being forced to leave their homes in Western Tigray, as Amharas are now administering the territory, claiming the contested land as their own. It is important that language remains neutral, but the EHRC has not been able to fulfill this basic requirement as an independent body tasked with conducting an impartial investigation.
EHRC as an Institutional Tool to Cover up Atrocities in Tigray
The EHRC is an institutional tool used by the Ethiopian federal government to conceal or downplay its heinous crimes. After the government declared the war was over, the EHRC followed along with this false narrative by discussing post-conflict reconstruction in Tigray. The EHRC would know the war is far from over if it were being truthful in its claims of conducting investigations and “monitoring closely the human rights situation since the start of the conflict on 4 November 2020,” as they have continuously stated. Despite its claims of independence, it closely aligns itself with the Ethiopian federal government and repeats the government’s statements.
The US State Department and many other institutions have repeatedly pronounced that massive ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans has been taking place in Western Tigray, as the Amhara militia either kill or force Tigrayans to flee as they take over their houses and properties. Given the ethnic nature of the war, EHRC employees cannot impartially investigate the gross human rights violations and ethnic cleansing committed by Amhara militia in Southern and Western Tigray. This has already been demonstrated as one report released by EHRC cites Dansha’s (district in Western Tigray) administrator, who was installed by the Amhara regional state, as saying “Tigrayans live peacefully in the area, but those residents who felt at risk were provided with transportation to their chosen destinations.” This is an example of how the EHRC tactically avoids naming the ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans that has been taking place in Western Tigray. It is a manipulative and biased account of the experiences of Tigrayans, as it minimizes and invalidates the true situation.
In recent EHRC reports regarding Tigray, the focus has largely been on atrocities committed by Eritrean soldiers, with little mention of the atrocities committed by Ethiopian soldiers. However, according to refugees, the UN, and credible international media outlets, Ethiopian soldiers have taken part in the atrocities being committed in Tigray, alongside Eritrean soldiers and Amhara militia, particularly in SGBV, and extrajudicial killings. This oversight of Ethiopian-committed crimes is intentional and further undermines the EHRC’s credibility.
The attempts to cover up atrocities in Tigray could easily be seen by comparing the Ethiopian government’s response to the EHRC’s investigation of the Mai Kadra massacre with that of Amnesty’s investigation of the Axum massacre. The EHRC provided a biased and incomplete report on the Mai Kadra massacre, only to conclude that ethnic Amharas were targeted in Mai Kadra by Tigrayans. The Ethiopian government did not question the EHRC’s reporting on Mai Kadra, despite other reports of contradicting eye-witness testimonies. In fact, Amnesty was quick to publish the EHRC’s findings, though later amended its conclusions, stating “It’s possible that civilians from both ethnicities were targeted in Mai-Kadra.”
Meanwhile, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration was quick to conclude that Amnesty’s report of the Axum massacre was flawed. They released a statement blaming Tigrayan authorities for the killings of hundreds of Tigrayans in the city of Axum in November 2020. In their view, because the Tigrayan forces attacked the Northern Command, they are now ‘primarily responsible’ for all that has followed since.
The EHRC released their report on the Axum massacre only after Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed admitted that Eritrean troops were present in Tigray during his address on March 23, 2021. They had conducted a “rapid investigation mission” from February 27 to March 5, 2021, but findings were not released until March 24, 2021. The alignment of the publishing date of the report with the Prime Minister’s address likely suggests the connection between the EHRC and the government of Ethiopia.
EHRC Commissioner is Not Neutral
In addition to the entire EHRC institution, Daniel Bekele, the Chief Commissioner, is neither independent nor neutral. He was appointed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and, therefore, is connected to the Ethiopian federal government. Since the start of the conflict, he has portrayed the Ethiopian military as “peacekeepers,” amidst allegations of the crimes they have committed in Tigray.
His non-neutrality is evident as he has downplayed atrocities during the genocidal war in Tigray. He has also been repeating the government’s narrative that the war in Tigray is over, despite atrocities being committed after the government took control of Mekelle in late November 2020. He has blamed local community members of perpetrating SGBV when there is mounting evidence of Ethiopian and Eritrean forces committing weaponized rape.
The EHRC and its Chief Commissioner have been engaged in the coverup of serious allegations of atrocities. The EHRC did not call for evidence preservation, access, or monitoring. It has simply stated that it has been “unable to access certain areas,” without stating why or if it was refused access to the region. In addition, there has been a lack of transparency in the investigations carried out by the EHRC, including the investigation of the Mai Kadra massacre.
A Call for Independent Investigations
Independent investigations must be conducted by trusted organizations. Human rights organizations are supposed to protect victims of human rights violations. Tigrayans do not trust the EHRC because they are the perpetrators and oppressors of these ongoing mass atrocities. The EHRC is not a trusted entity amongst Tigrayans in Ethiopia or outside of Ethiopia. It is not seen as an entity independent of the Ethiopian federal government.
With lack of trust and witness protection, and fear of witness intimidation, there are also legitimate concerns of non-cooperation with EHRC investigations. Thus, any outcome of the investigation will never be seen as credible by the victims’ communities.
In order to have a fully independent investigation of the human rights violations against Tigrayans, a UN-mandated investigation – without the EHRC – is an essential first step towards the path of peace making in Ethiopia. The inclusion of the EHRC, an organization that lacks credibility, impartiality, and independence, is only going to result in a biased investigation that is unjust for the victims of these atrocities.
“In order to have a fully independent investigation of the human rights violations against Tigrayans, a UN-mandated investigation – without the EHRC – is an essential first step towards the path of peace making in Ethiopia.
Genocide: the deliberate killing of a large number of people from a particular nation or ethnic group with the aim of destroying that nation or group.
Like every other Tigrayan, whose homeland is going through a genocide, my parents haven’t slept for over 6 months. I believe documenting these experiences heals the soul, and I do so in hopes that maybe someone will relate to it as well.
“Like every other Tigrayan, whose homeland is going through a genocide, my parents haven’t slept for over 6 months. I believe documenting these experiences heals the soul, and I do so in hopes that maybe someone will relate to it as well.”
My mother is the hero of our house. She is one of those people who always finds a way to solve problems or support her family in any way that she can. Since the war began, she has brought out an even stronger side of herself, but we can see it weighs on her.
With several family members in Tigray, the heart-wrenching reports of extrajudicial killings, rape, and destruction across Tigray hit close to home. My mother had no means of communicating with her siblings, cousins, and distant relatives whose lives were at risk during the first three months of the war in Tigray. There was no way she could help them.
Once the phone lines were connected in some parts of Tigray, she spoke to her family with a fake sense of normalcy, and they did the same, keeping each other strong. Conversations with family members in Tigray are usually short and simple. “Kemay Alekhum?” (How are you doing?), she asks. Suffering in silence, they say, “Dehan ina, kem hizbina, natatkum imber abu beynikhum.” (We are good just going through it with our community, yours is more worrying, you are also vulnerable there). My mother’s relatives knew no Tigrayan was safe in Ethiopia.
“With several family members in Tigray, the heart-wrenching reports of extrajudicial killings, rape, and destruction across Tigray hit close to home. My mother had no means of communicating with her siblings, cousins, and distant relatives.”
My mother secretly weeps for the humans, the animals, the mountains of Tigray. I admire her faith. She prays for peace each day. She talks to herself often, mumbling “Mariam Tsion tihalwom” (May St. Mary of Zion protect them all). She puts on a brave face, but we can all see the dark circles under her eyes while wrinkles that once were a sign of wisdom have taken over her face. She does not laugh; her eyes give away her pain even as she smiles. She tasted the bitter fruit of war once before; she never thought she would have to go through it again.
Grief
“My mother secretly weeps for the humans, the animals, the mountains of Tigray. I admire her faith. She prays for peace each day. She talks to herself often, mumbling “Mariam Tsion tihalwom” (May St. Mary of Zion protect them all).”
My father’s worn-down face shows his desperation. He can’t protect his family in Addis Ababa. He is permanently just gazing or obsessively looking for news everywhere and anywhere. Wondering if the police are going to show up again and take him, he has mentally prepared us for it. His brothers and cousins, with no active engagement with the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), were all arrested or disappeared for days after being taken by the police.
The police have come to our house a few times. The last time they came, they searched every Tigrayan’s home in our apartment building. Our building is old. Many of the tenants who have lived here for more than 15 years know my family. The Ethiopian federal police came packed in two cars and searched 8 houses from among the 20 or more. We found humor in how the home of an 80-year-old Eritrean woman, who is pro-dictator Isaias Afewerki, was also searched. She was angry that she was treated as a criminal, but all of us whose houses were searched were treated like criminals. We had one thing in common — we spoke Tigrigna.
Our parents and some of our relatives with military experience have coped much better than most of us Tigrayans born and raised in Addis. They go to work each day and are indifferent to the ignorant comments and hate from their coworkers. I assume the marginalization of Tigrayan during and prior to the Derg regime somewhat prepared them for this. Some of them fought the Derg for over a decade so the next generation of Ethiopians could live in peace. But here they are, again, watching their country resort to war against itself.
“My father’s worn-down face shows his desperation. He can’t protect his family in Addis Ababa. He is permanently just gazing or obsessively looking for news everywhere and anywhere. Wondering if the police are going to show up again and take him”
The young Tigrayans in Addis Ababa are struggling with being the target of hate speech and discrimination the most — possibly because they have never imagined living through such a period in their lifetime. Some attempt to live a normal life, while others have completely shut down in shock of the current reality.
Some of us are unable to escape the realities of life in Tigray — civilian lives taken in the name of Ethiopia. We are quietly nursing our pain, all the while avoiding discrimination for being Tigrayans. Most Tigrayans in Addis Ababa live in fear. In fear of what could happen to their fathers, brothers and cousins. Tigrayan men are being taken from their homes, cafes and restaurants across the country for possible associations with the TPLF.
My family’s home — once a vibrant household — quickly became a ghost house. Each of us on our phones, looking for and scrolling through information on Tigray. Going through lists of the dead.
The internet seemed like the only place to be heard. We started to make friends out of strangers on different social media platforms. Friendship came easier with those who understood that no human life should be collateral for consolidating power.
“Most Tigrayans in Addis Ababa live in fear. In fear of what could happen to their fathers, brothers and cousins. Tigrayan men are being taken from their homes, cafes and restaurants across the country for possible associations with the TPLF.”
In a genocide, psychological dehumanization is a core strategy for the subjugation of a people. Rape stories coming from Tigray have been the most traumatizing part. Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers are raping Tigrayan women during this genocidal war. Ethiopian soldiers tell the women they rape that they are there to “cleanse [them] of [their] Tigrayan bloodline.”
The barbaric atrocities being committed against Tigrayan women in Tigray, possible because of patriarchal societal norms, successfully deactivated my brain for weeks. I experienced vicarious traumatization, confronted with flashbacks to the stories I had read and heard. At times, when I encounter men, I think about the rape survivors and wonder if these men would partake in sexual violence against Tigrayan woman. Tigrayan women’s trauma is my trauma.
Most young Tigrayans in Addis Ababa have found different ways to cope and fight back. Some drive to work singing empowering resistance songs made by Tigrayan fighters in the 1970s. Some write about their experience behind closed doors. Some have joined the armed struggle to free Tigray, and others have decided to leave the city they once loved in search of a new home.
Tigrayans in all sectors are working to give back to their community in need. Organizing and participating in donation drives, praying that it reaches Tigray. It fills my heart with pride and hope to know that we are passionately preparing to rebuild and heal Tigray.
“.. Tigrayans in Addis Ababa have found different ways to cope and fight back. Some drive to work singing empowering resistance songs … Some write about their experience behind closed doors. Some have joined the armed struggle to free Tigray…”
