Pure Betrayal – Addis Ababians Supporting the Genocidal War on Tigray

Captioned: The knots of fascist Ethiopianism

Ethiopia is on the verge of being a failed state. The government has failed, as have the religious institutions central to our society. A country where men, women, and children are slaughtered to consolidate power is one where the social contract and humanity failed. 

Much of the violence seen throughout Ethiopian history and the atrocities being committed today in Tigray are facilitated by the ruling elite. Religious institutions, Addis Ababian communities, and celebrities in Addis Ababa are being utilized to support the Ethiopian Empire at the expense of the people. Tigrayans are being persecuted in the capital, and their families and loved ones are being starved, raped, and gunned down in Tigray. 

“A country where men, women, and children are slaughtered to consolidate power is one where the social contract and humanity failed.” #TigrayGenocide

As a Tigrayan born and raised in Addis Ababa, I can’t help but feel betrayed by Ethiopia and Ethiopians during this dark period. Ethiopia’s history has its roots in the region of Tigray, and Tigrayans have fought to protect Ethiopia from foreign invaders for centuries. If I had not experienced it myself, I would have never thought that Ethiopians would be capable of supporting this type of genocidal war on their own people.

Ethiopian Institutions and Communities Supporting the Genocidal War on Tigray

The Ethiopian Orthodox Church, an institution of “acceptance for all humans,’’ has been preaching against those who identify with their ethnicity, some clergy openly dehumanizing Tigrayans. Well-known deacons are actively working to prevent their communities from being active against the war on Tigray. The Church even publicly supports the military operation against Tigray – not one word when Axum, the center of Christianity in the Horn of Africa, was attacked or when monks and priests are arrested in large numbers in Addis Ababa for being from Tigray. 

“The Church even publicly supports the military operation against Tigray – not one word when Axum, the center of Christianity in the Horn of Africa, was attacked or when monks and priests are arrested in large numbers in Addis Ababa for being from Tigray.”

A few weeks ago, in a video recorded by a friend of the church, the Patriarch Abune Matthias spoke out saying he was blocked from speaking against the atrocities happening in Tigray. He explicitly mentioned that “they are threatening to exterminate Tigrayans.” He is also being persecuted just for being Tigrayan: he is now under house arrest.

“The Patriarch Abune Matthias spoke out saying he was blocked from speaking against the atrocities happening in Tigray. He is also being persecuted just for being Tigrayan: he is now under house arrest.” #TigrayGenocide

Even political opposition parties are aligned with the government in regards to the genocidal war on Tigray. Regardless of the numerous reports from international organizations, they choose silence–even as Eritrean troops have breached the sovereign land of ‘Ethiopia.’ The politicians choose to pursue their personal vendettas against the EPRDF instead of being vocal against the human rights abuses and war crimes committed against Tigrayans. Lidetu Ayalew and Eng Yilikal Getnet, who were imprisoned during the period of the EPRDF, were the only ones who have been vocal against the war on Tigray.  It’s appalling to hear opposition party officials like Birhanu Nega and allies like Andargachew Tsige and Neamin Zelleke speak of Ethiopia prevailing when Ethiopia is on the verge of disintegration. 

“Political opposition parties are aligned with the government in regards to the genocidal war on Tigray. Regardless of the numerous reports from international organizations, they choose silence” #TigrayGenocide

Civil institutions are no different. The Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRC) has previously taken a day or two to report on the atrocities committed against Amhara communities across Ethiopia. Yet, the Council took more than three months to report on atrocities, rape, and extrajudicial killings happening to the people of Tigray. It is still busy downplaying the scale of the atrocities. I have yet to find evidence that suggests this institution is non-partisan. 

The Ethiopian feminist groups are no better. Sehin Teferra, the founder of Setaweet Movement, which is a contemporary feminist movement, was vocal about the war. She adamantly believed it was right to wage war on the elected government of Tigray. She even requested eye witness accounts for the reported rape cases. This feminist organization is now running a campaign for elections in Tigray, collaborating with the federal government. It is ironic for them to campaign for elections when the women in Tigray already elected their own regional government and are suffering widespread sexual violence at the hands of the organization’s partner. What the women in Tigray need is protection from the Ethiopian government’s mercenaries who are using them as sex slaves. I have not heard of any active engagement demanding justice for these victims. I guess, for Setaweet, rape survivors are not a priority, particularly if they are Tigrayan.

“Sehin Teferra, the founder of Setaweet Movement, which is a contemporary feminist movement. She adamantly believed it was right to wage war on the elected government of Tigray. She even requested eye witness accounts for the reported rape cases.”

Whispers of “Junta” (coined by Abiy to refer to Tigrayan leaders and now used as a slur for all Tigrayans) are common at the office, cafes, and restaurants. Hairdressers are the worst. Women casually discussing destroying cities, cheering for the government to destroy more, to kill more.

I cannot enumerate the number of urban elites across sectors who supported this war and mobilized to cover up the war crimes. Even respectable public figures like Haile Gebresellasie, was among the many who cheered for military intervention in Tigray. He was later recorded commending the Ethiopian military and the unelected Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. As someone who was appointed to bring the government of Tigray and the federal government to the table to discuss peace, he should have been the last person to cheer for the war on Tigray.

“Whispers of “Junta” (coined by Abiy to refer to Tigrayan leaders and now used as a slur for all Tigrayans) are common at the office, cafes, and restaurants. Hairdressers are the worst. cheering for the government to destroy more, to kill more.”

An Ethiopian musician, Aregahegn Worash, went on record saying he would never support “killer people” when asked if he had donated money for the Tigrayan refugees in Sudan. Activists, like Tamagn Beyene, who are well known for fundraising also supported what the government originally called a “law enforcement operation.” 

Photographers, galleries, tour and travel organizations in Addis Ababa have hosted exhibitions or posted Tigray’s amazing sites online, without a word spoken about what is currently happening. The cultural appropriation is disgusting – women wearing distinctly Tigrayan jewelry and traditional hairstyles, completely ignoring the pain Tigrayans are going through. Ethiopians are so easily flaunting Tigrayan culture, and heritage to boost their business. 

Youtube, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter are also flooded with supporters of the genocidal war on Tigray. Our friends and colleagues go to social media to support the genocidal war in Tigray. They post their solidarity to the Prosperity Party, denying the atrocities that are reported by our families, regardless of it being confirmed by international organizations. Influential Youtubers justify the genocide, saying it is critical for the ‘Junta’ to be exterminated.

The very few who speak against the war are labeled “Junta” or accused of receiving payment from the “Junta.” 

Captioned: Under siege

The Perfect Opportunity for Vengeance 

They are all synchronized in ignoring the plight of the people of Tigray. While many other Ethiopians are being killed and targeted by different groups, Tigray and Tigrayans are being deliberately targeted by the Ethiopian government itself, and its Eritrean and internal regional allies, including the Amhara militia currently occupying western Tigray. Most are using it to quench their thirst for vengeance and some to annex land as a result of hate brewed for more than a century. This war was the perfect opportunity for vengeance.  

“Tigray and Tigrayans are being deliberately targeted by the Ethiopian government itself, and its Eritrean and internal regional allies, including the Amhara militia currently occupying western Tigray.” #TigrayGenocide

Our own non-Tigrayan friends continue to support the war on Tigray with similar narratives. 

“There are only 5 million of your people, we can destroy you.”

“You are a minority that led the country for years so it is only right for you to be persecuted, all 5 million of you should pay for the injustices we suffered’. 

“So, what is the problem if 5 million starve for the sake of the 95 million?” 

They are not only justifying a genocide, they are also minimization Tigray’s population of over 7 million, which would be far greater had it not been for conflict and multiple state-sponsored famines in the last 100 years.

For many of them, the “Junta” has to be eradicated by any means necessary. Our families are collateral damage. Even if it means supporting a genocide. 

For many Tigrayans in Addis Ababa, our pain translated to silence, and our friends and partners found comfort in our silence. Some took it as a refusal to admit our ‘defeat.’ When they see us mourning the loss of innocent civilian lives, they label us as exaggerators. 

“For many Tigrayans in Addis Ababa, our pain translated to silence, and our friends and partners found comfort in our silence. Some took it as a refusal to admit our ‘defeat.’” #TigrayGenocide

Some actually see this genocide as a way to settle scores, having kept bruised egos hidden for years. They waited to say, “We beat the mighty Tigrayan fighters.” What they fail to realize is that they are still in the comfort of their homes, while some poor “Ethiopian” or Eritrean soldiers fight their egoistic battles. 

They also fail to recognize that Tigray’s struggle for self-determination has never been to gain recognition as mighty. It has always been to preserve our right for survival, preserve our identity, and to build our homes and communities.

Tigrayans in Addis Ababa are being forced to assimilate in the worst ways possible. The Ethiopian government and the Addis Ababian community continue to force Tigrayans to support the government-sanctioned genocidal war on Tigray. Those who disagree are seen as being brainwashed by Tigray’s elected party, Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). They continue to claim that the horrors Tigrayans are hearing from their families are simply TPLF propaganda. 

No one is speaking out against the demonization of Tigrayans in Addis Ababa. Not our friends. Not our neighbors. No one wants to protect Tigrayans, instead the local youth threaten to take our belongings. Now that the Ethiopian government has labeled the TPLF as a terrorist organization, there are legitimate concerns about what this could mean for Tigrayans living in Addis Ababa. 

“Tigrayans in Addis Ababa are being forced to assimilate in the worst ways possible. The Ethiopian government and the Addis Ababian community continue to force Tigrayans to support the government-sanctioned genocidal war on Tigray.”

It is almost impossible to put an end to all of this without international intervention. Millions of lives are at risk–all to feed egoistic leaders and communities who are working to destroy the land of Tigray and Tigrayan identity. 

Lasty, I leave you with this Micheal Walzer quotation from his book A Foreign Policy For The Left:

“the people directly at risk may have no capacity to respond, their fellow citizens no will to respond. The victims are weak and vulnerable; their enemies are cruel; their neighbors indifferent or frightened. The rest of us watch and are shocked. This is the occasion for intervention.”

 This too shall pass.

Betty – Omna Tigray External Contributor, May 2021

Ethnic Cleansing in Western Tigray by Amhara Forces

Preceding Events, Admission of Crimes and the International Community’s Responsibility to Act

Source: Tigray: Atlas of the Humanitarian Situation

Six months into the war on Tigray, the international community has finally come to acknowledge the deliberately induced humanitarian crisis affecting millions of Tigrayans. In addition to over 5.2 million Tigrayans at risk of weaponized starvation, ethnic cleansing has ravaged Western Tigray, displacing countless civilians from their homes and livelihoods.  

The ethnic cleansing in Western Tigray was acknowledged by U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken in his briefing to the U.S. Congress in early March 2021. However, main bodies of the international community, most notably, the European Union (EU) and United Nations Security Council (UNSC), have still not explicitly recognized the crimes being committed in Western Tigray as acts of ethnic cleansing. The lack of recognition from these bodies has prolonged impunity, delayed accountability, and allowed for the continuation of human rights violations. 

A more complete background detailing the chronological sequence of events leading up to the war on Tigray and subsequent events are needed to provide a clear picture of the character and intent of the ongoing atrocities in Western Tigray. In particular, heightened rhetoric promoting ethnic cleansing before the war, public admission of war crimes committed by armed Amhara forces amid the war, and other critical instances provide ample justification for the international community to acknowledge and act on the ethnic cleansing taking place in Western Tigray.

Demonstration of Intent by Armed Amhara Force, Fano, Commander in 2018

Among the many examples of rhetoric promoting prejudicial actions shared throughout the years, there is a persistent theme calling for “Tigrayans to be expelled from Western Tigray.”

In 2018, analysis of video evidence regarding this intent was analyzed by journalist Zecharias Zelalem. In the video, a commander of an armed Amhara group, Mesafint Teka, publicly addresses the need to expel all Tigrayans from Western Tigray, which he refers to as “Amhara territory.” He is heard in the video saying:

“There are plenty of them [Tigrayans] in different places. Tigrayans should leave our area, our land, our borders, get out of our country! We can meet them head on [in battle]! … We will grasp Tigray in our fist.”

This intent would later manifest itself when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed called upon these Amhara forces to participate in the offensive against Tigray that started in November 2020. 

Admission of Acts by Armed Amhara Force, Fano, Leaders

Months after the start of the war, another video interview of armed Amhara group leaders, including Gebeyehu Hiniye, Chalachew Niyew Kassa, and an unnamed third member was published. In this video, these leaders proudly admit to acts of ethnic cleansing and portray them as efforts to “take back the land.” Among these efforts include planting an Amhara flag, incorporating the area under the governance of the Amhara regional administration, handing out Amhara identification cards (IDs) to the local communities in Western Tigray, and “eliminating anybody who resisted.” 

In concluding their statement, the leaders claim that they have made sure the area “smells like Amhara,” metaphoric language intended to convey the Amharanization or de-Tigrayanization of the area. 

Above all, what is most revealing is that in this video Amhara force leaders blatantly admit to acts constituting ethnic cleansing; eliminating bodies, handing land to the Amhara administration, and issuing Amhara IDs; all with the ultimate goal of expanding their territory and power, stating “Amhara will soon rise to supremacy.”

Message to Eliminate Tigrayans

The “Amharanization” and violent expansionism described above is rooted in the disdain Amhara forces have for the people of Tigray. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF, commonly known as Doctors Without Borders) shared images of vandalized health centers in Debre Abbay, located in North Western Tigray. One of the images showed an explicit Amharic message written on a wall. It read, “[F*ck] Tigrayans. We have now handed you over to Shabiya, [Eritrean forces]. Let them fry and eat you.” This hate speech reveals the extent of the abhorrence Amhara forces have for Tigrayans.

Systematic Destruction

The destruction captured by MSF is one of many systematic crimes committed against Tigray. As an extension of the satellite images shared in his previous analysis, Ted Galt compiled different satellite images, like the ones below, including images indicating the burning of vast croplands.

New Signage, Administrative Apparatus and Residents

As Amhara forces partook in systematic destruction, the Amhara region also staged a demonstration claiming that residents of Western Tigray were requesting to be urgently incorporated into the Amhara regional state. This set the stage for occupying the area after having massacred Tigrayans or having forced them out of their homes. The Amhara regional administration then engaged in replacing the Tigrayan governing administrative apparatus with its own, including changing “Welcome” signage in several major towns. Further, houses, hotels, and businesses became occupied by new residents claiming to be Amhara. 

Amhara Regional Administration Public Notice

Subsequently, the Amhara regional administration released a public notice inviting investors to buy and use the newly annexed Tigrayan farmlands. This invitation allows investors to purchase land without a project proposal for a year. Such lenient parameters were set to expedite conquest of the area as proposals would take time to develop.

Acknowledgement of Amahara Expansion by Tigray’s Interim Regional Administration

The acts of expansionism were also confirmed by Tigray’s Interim Regional Administration Deputy Abebe Gebrehiwot Yihdego in an interview with Tigrai Tv. In the interview, Abebe explains the displacement of civilians from Western Tigray and calls for the immediate halt of the forced displacement of civilians as the increase in the number of internally displaced peoples in Tigray’s eastern cities has exhausted the resources available to sustain basic needs. Furthermore, he mentions that not even Tigrayan monks in their 90s were spared from being forced out of monasteries in Western Tigray. Abebe also emphasizes that these forced displacements are not a consequence of war but purposefully orchestrated and urges the international community to help hold the perpetrators of this forced displacement accountable. 

The International Community’s Acknowledgment of Ethnic Cleansing

Although there have been repeated calls for action, the international community has yet to acknowledge the different dimensions of the violence in Tigray. The EU and the UNSC have been reluctant about acknowledging and appropriately labeling the crimes being committed to Tigrayans during this genocidal war in Tigray. This has, without a doubt, emboldened the perpetrators and enabled Amhara forces’ quest to ethnically cleanse Western Tigray. 

The litany of crimes committed by armed Amhara forces include perpetrating sexual and gender-based violence, violently and forcefully displacing residents, imposing Amhara identity, torturing and massacring civilians, imprisoning based on ethnicity, burning and destroying villages, vandalizing and looting healthcare facilities, and blocking civilians from crossing the border to seek refuge in Sudan

Testimonies, as recent as May 2021, from those internally displaced from Western Tigray confirm these crimes are still being committed. These testimonies indicate a rampant breach of the most basic human rights, including the rights to life, security of the person, equal protection under the law, own property and education as per the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to which Ethiopia is a signatory. 

The mounting evidence of these violations of international human rights law is a clear indication of the need for the international community to swiftly intervene. International bodies must not only recognize the occurrence of these acts and label them appropriately, they must act on their responsibility to protect populations being subjected to ethnic cleansing.

An earlier piece by the same authors on ethnic cleansing in Western Tigray can be found here.   

Nerea Berhan and Saba Mah’derom – Omna Tigray External Contributors, May 2021

Minister of Peace in a Time of Genocide

For more than six months, massacres, starvation, sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and destruction of essential infrastructure have been widespread across the Tigray region of Ethiopia as a genocide against Tigrayans has taken place. Tigrayans are suffering in silence as telecommunications have been shut-off completely in many areas or intermittently in others. Despite all of these atrocities, the Minister of Peace Muferiat Kamil has been silent, demonstrating complicity in the face of the destruction of a people and region. 

“For more than six months, massacres, starvation, sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and destruction of essential infrastructure have been widespread across the Tigray region of Ethiopia as a genocide against Tigrayans has taken place.”

The Minister of Peace was directly appointed by the unelected Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Therefore, she is following the command of the federal government and is on the side of the oppressors. A Minister of Peace who truly cares about peace within Ethiopia and greater stability in the Horn of Africa would not allow such horrendous and destabilizing atrocities to occur on her watch.

“The Minister of Peace was directly appointed by the unelected Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Therefore, she is following the command of the federal government and is on the side of the oppressors.”

The primary function of Ethiopia’s Ministry of Peace (MoP) is “to sustain the reforms that Ethiopia is currently undergoing through peace-building measures, establishing and strengthening the rule of law, and building the capacity of peace and security focused sectors.” Yet, the MoP is unequivocally failing in its duties. Protection of civilians has been ignored since the start of the war, as innocent citizens are stuck in the direct line of fire, subject to numerous shellings, shootings, sexual violence, and lootings, and are unable to receive humanitarian aid, as the federal government has restricted access across the region. 

“The primary function of Ethiopia’s Ministry of Peace (MoP) is “to sustain the reforms that Ethiopia is currently undergoing through peace-building measures,building the capacity of peace and security focused sectors.” Yet, the MoP is unequivocally failing its duties.”

In addition to allowing the atrocities to continue, the MoP has denied that the war is still going on. On May 5, 2021, more than six months after the war began, the MoP released a statement regarding Tigray Regional State. The statement included phrases such as “since the completion of the law enforcement operation”, alluding to the war being over. The war is not over and has been raging on since November 2020. The statement focuses on rebuilding while innocent lives are still being taken and people are forced to flee their homes every day. 

The genocidal war waged by Ethiopia’s federal and aligned forces against the people of Tigray is very much still on-going. Genocide is occurring under the watch of Ethiopia’s Ministry of Peace. Her job is to safeguard peace, yet peace could not be farther out of reach.

“The genocidal war waged by Ethiopia’s federal and aligned forces against the people of Tigray is very much still on-going. Genocide is occurring under the watch of Ethiopia’s Ministry of Peace. Her job is to safeguard peace, yet peace could not be farther out of reach.”

Before any peace processes can begin or even be discussed, there must be an immediate ceasefire and withdrawal of troops by all invading parties. The international community must ensure that the MoP ends the current conflict and prevents future conflict from unfolding within Ethiopia. If the MoP is unable to restrict the improper use of arms and military equipment on behalf of the federal government, the international community must step in. 

Furthermore, independent investigations must be conducted by external, credible organizations to understand the full, unbiased extent of the situation occurring in Tigray. Reparations for the victims and justice must be pursued. All actors engaging in, responsible for, or allowing these atrocities must be held accountable. 

“Independent investigations must be conducted by external, credible organizations to understand the full, unbiased extent of the situation occurring in Tigray. All actors engaging in, responsible for, or allowing these atrocities must be held accountable.”

After all conflict has ceased, then post-conflict peacebuilding can be initiated. Post-conflict peacebuilding must engage all actors to ensure equitable negotiations are made. Only then will there be any chance of sustainable peace in Ethiopia.

Omna Tigray Contributor, May 2021

Digital Activism During the Genocidal War in Tigray

Historically, war is associated with idealized masculinist rhetoric of virtue and glory among men. In contrast to this rhetoric, many Ethiopian women, particularly Tigrayan women have been key fighters in many past and present battlefields. 

In the last century, Tigrayan women have gone to the battlefield to defend their sovereignty against external invaders on several occasions. They stood against Italian invaders in defense of the Ethioipian Empire in The Battle of Adwa in 1896. Tigrayan women also fought against the military dictatorial regime of the Derg (1975- 1991).  As members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), they played a significant role in liberating the people of Tigray and Ethiopia as a whole from a brutal and oppressive regime.
A lot has changed since the women of Tigray fought against Italians or as guerilla fighters against the Derg in the mountains of Tigray. For those not on the ground in Tigray, technology and globalization have allowed them to stand up for justice from afar.  Over 20 years after the last battle against a centralist Ethiopian government, women of Tigray located around the world find themselves yet again in another battle but this time a digital one.

“Tigrayan women also fought against the military dictatorial regime of the Derg (1975- 1991).  As members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), they played a significant role in liberating the people of Tigray”

A Declaration of War

Abiy Ahmed, the unelected Prime Minister of Ethiopia, waged a genocidal war against Tigray on November 4, 2020, in collaboration with Eritrea’s dictator Isaias Afwerki in an attempt to take over the region from Tigray’s elected leaders.

After declaring war on Tigray, Abiy was quick to cut off all forms of communication in Tigray so that he could cover-up the atrocities being committed to civilians. The communication blackout left Tigrayans who live abroad extremely anxious as they were  unable to reach their families in Tigray. They kept trying every means of communication they could. Their mothers’ landlines didn’t work,  their brothers’ cellphones were off, and their cousins’ WhatsApp or Facebook also failed. 

After a few days of being in collective fear and shock, the Tigrayan diaspora started calling to check on one another. With a calm, yet discouraged voice, they would ask if anyone had heard anything from their family back home.

“Abiy Ahmed, the unelected Prime Minister of Ethiopia, waged a genocidal war against Tigray on November 4, 2020, in collaboration with Eritrea’s dictator Isaias Afwerki in an attempt to take over the region from Tigray’s elected leaders.”

Losing “Ethiopian” Friends and Finding New Ones in the Digital World

Blocked from reaching their families in Tigray, Tigrayans with social media accounts  started posting about their distress. They hoped that the Ethiopian community and the online world would hear their devastation and offer support. 

To their surprise, extremely few fellow Ethiopians reached out to see how they were doing. Many Tigrayans came to the  shocking realization that their Ethiopian friends could not sympathize with Tigrayans’ agony. 

Basically overnight, Tigrayans’ identity changed. Before the war, Tigrayans saw themselves as Ethiopians. After the war, however, they were forced to question their identity as their fellow Ethiopians, friends, and in some instances family, cheered on the war in Tigray. 

In trying to make sense of the situation, Tigrayans soon discovered that there had been a great amount of propaganda prior to the war that fueled hate towards Tigrayans.  It was a painful realization for most Tigrayans. The hate was so ingrained and widespread that their close Ethiopian friends could not sympathize with Tigrayans’ suffering. In essence, Tigrayans felt abandoned by a community that they thought they belonged to.

More than the pain that Abiy Ahmed caused in waging a genocidal war in Tigray, the silence and neutrality of those considered close in the Ethiopian community hurt the most.

Few weeks into war, Tigrayans learned that both rape and starvation were being used as a weapon of war in Tigray.  

Desperation hit an all time high, but it was that same desperation that forced Tigrayans to seek one another out in the digital world. They started pulling away from certain crowds who never cared to recognize their pain and started creating new relationships with a focus on one and only one thing – amplifying the voices of Tigrayan people who are suffering in the dark as a result of this genocidal war

More than the pain that Abiy Ahmed caused in waging a genocidal war in Tigray, the silence and neutrality of those considered close in the Ethiopian community hurt the most.

It was not long until many Tigrayans began to organize and work long hours to raise awareness about the genocide in Tigray. Most of the organizations that were established are women led.

Tigrayan Digital Activism 

The digital warriors of Tigray, who emerged out of necessity and an existential threat to their people,  have the same lifestyle as your average neighbor. They have to make ends meet as usual, raise their children, and participate in their typical social activities. 

But unlike your average neighbor, they must face the added burden of stopping a genocidal war waged on their families by the federal government of Ethiopia.

Despite the trauma they endure daily, they have an obligation to amplify the suffering of their families, and they must create real transformative change. They wake up with a heavy heart,wondering whether their sisters, mothers or cousins were victims of sexual violence. They wake up wondering if their family members are alive.  They rely on social media to raise their voices. They sign petitions, raise funds, educate the public through different means in an effort to raise awareness and gain allies, and organize and attend global protests. 

If COVID-19 rules don’t permit large scale demonstrations, they organize virtual or caravan protests, and small groups show up in front of the United Nations Headquarter and the White House every single day. They march the streets of Telaviv, London, and Denver, all in hopes of exposing the heinous atrocities being committed in Tigray. 

To their advantage, the internet has removed barriers of geography, allowing them to collaborate on projects and work together.

“Habogninet” Amid Crisis in Tigray

This digital community’s secret ingredient is habogninet (ha-bo-gne-net)

Habogninet (ሓቦኝነት) is an emotion felt by every Tigrayan when under attack. It is that unexplainable responsibility to uplift the vulnerable. 

Habogninet is about being there for those who are suffering in their community. 

Habogninet is standing strong amid the crisis. 

Habogninet is being your sister’s and brother’s keeper.

Habogninet is how Tigrayans show-up for their most vulnerable.

For example when Tigaryans learned that their Irob and Kunama indiginous ethnic minorities who only makeup 1% of Tigray’s population were under full Eritrean occupation, suffering in the dark, with communication and aid blackouts, they immediately put on their digital activism hat. This self-organized community of Tigrayans, immediately planned a campaign for April 10, 2021 and drafted petitions calling on the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) and United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to protect both minorities. On the day of the Irob and Kunama campaign they tweeted like their life depended on it. They demanded protection for the ethinic minorities in Tigray who are facing starvation and genocide under Eritrean troops. They screamed on Twitter for the world to hear that the Kunama and Irob people are suffering immensely and both may be on the brink of extinction. 

This self-organized community of Tigrayans, immediately planned a campaign for April 10, 2021 and drafted petitionscalling on the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) and United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to protect both minorities.

On average there were 700,000 impressions per hour that day amplifying the oppressed voices of the Irobs and Kunama indginous minorities of Tigray. Those tweeting were predominantly global Tigrayans making the plight of those two minorities trend on twitter all day. Tigrayan Habogninet manifests itself in many ways and this is just one of them. 

“How a society treats its most vulnerable is always the measure of its humanity.”– Gandhi  

How Tigrayans continue to show up for their voiceless indigenous minorities of Tigray is how they continue to show up for every oppressed member of their society.

Digital Warriors Under Attack

This fight to stop the Tigray Genocide comes with a cost, especially for the  women who are at the forfront of the digital activism. Violence manifests not only on the battlefields, but also in the digital world. 

The platform where Tigrayan women face online bullying, dehumanization and trauma the most is Clubhouse.  An unexpected number of Ethiopian and Eritrean propagandists are extremely aggressive, abusive, and misogynistic towards Tigrayan women. Every single day, those women who are there to raise awareness and educate the pubic on Tigray Genocide continue to  face  aggressive men who are determined to silence them. 

There are rooms hosted by Abiy supporters titled “The war on Tigray must continue.”  Tigrayan women and men go to such triggering rooms to speak their truth about the genocide happening in Tigray. Many of those men have gone as far as justifying rape on Tigrayan women during the war. 

There are rooms hosted by Abiy supporters titled “The war on Tigray must continue.”  Tigrayan women and men go to such triggering rooms to speak their truth about the genocide happening in Tigray.

A Community of Tigrayan Digital Warriors

Regardless of the intimidation they may face from Abiy supporters, these Tigrayan women have continued to push the social barriers with other like minded community members. 

In response to this tragic genocidal war, many Tigrayans have forged an environment that fosters a sense of belonging, a supportive network, and a sense of transformative purpose. 

Along with other social media platforms, despite aforementioned attacks, Clubhouse has been an invaluable and cathartic space for Tigrayans to share their burdens and engage in therapeutic and galvanizing conversations.  There are a number of highly committed digital activists who create and manage those rooms and conversations.

Through social media platforms, Tigrayans have found a new community who understand their pain, and are extremly committed to raising awareness about the genocide in Tigray. 

Weyni – Omna Tigray Contributor, May 2021

Ethiopia’s Lobbying Efforts to Hide the Genocide in Tigray

The only reason lobbyists are hired by interest groups or foreign governments in the United States is because they play a key role in policy making and persuading public authorities. 

This is why the Tigrayan community and its allies are extremely concerned about the Ethiopian government spending close to 500 thousand dollars in hiring two of the most influential international law firms.[1]Piro, G., & Beyrer, J. (2021, March 26). Lobbying firm Repping Ethiopian regime a major BIDEN BACKER. Retrieved May 05, 2021, from … Continue reading By doing so, the Ethiopian government is attempting to influence United States policy makers to support their heinous acts of genocide and war crimes in the northernmost region of Ethiopia, Tigray- a face saving strategy as undeniable evidence of war crimes and ethnic cleasing have been presented. 

It is absolutely shocking for a developing country like Ethiopia to be spending that much money on a publicity stunt and strategy when the foreign aid it receives represents 50 to 60 percent of its national budget.[2]https://www.oaklandinstitute.org/development-aid-ethiopia 

It is absolutely shocking for a developing country like Ethiopia to be spending that much money on a publicity stunt and strategy when the foreign aid it receives represents 50 to 60 percent of its national budget. 

It is preposterous for a government to find the liberty and flexibility in its national budget to hire a lobbying law firm when all in while it (i) receives millions in foreign aid, (ii) is waging a genocidal war on its own region and invited foreign military presence, and (iii) based the same war on a ‘law-and-order enforcement operation’ scheme justified by the need to capture elected  members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). 

The TPLF was one of the former 4 parties that made up the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democtraic Front (EPRDF),  who allegedly have stolen and sucked the wealth of the country.

Why is the Ethiopian government not prioritizing developmental projects using its budget or the funding from foreign aid to improve the life of its citizens? The priorities of the current government under the rule of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed are clearly not peace, reconciliation and prosperity, but rather war, abomination and bloodshed. 

Since November 4, 2020, the Tigrayan community and its allies have been protesting and advocating for the protection of basic human rights during conflict through social media and by organizing rallies in various cities. There also have been counter-protests supporting the Ethiopian government and its ‘necessary actions’ in the Tigray region.

Overwhelmed by the mixed messaging and deteriorating image of Ethiopia, the Embassy of Ethiopia in D.C decided to hire a law firm to represent the embassy and the government’s interest; i.e the continuation of the genocidal war in Tigray. The first firm the Embassy of Ethiopia hired was Venable LLP, a law firm with heavy influence in the U.S.[3]https://freebeacon.com/national-security/lobbying-firm-repping-ethiopian-regime-a-major-biden-backer Senate and amongst Democratic constituents. Their contract was from February to April at a rate of $35,000 per month, totalling $105,000 . The current law firm representing and advocating for the Ethiopian government is Holland & Knight, which was hired by Ethiopia’s Ministry of Peace to aid with counsel and help maintain a good relationship between the U.S. and Ethiopia governments. This is a six-month contract worth $270,000.[4]http://www.tadias.com/04/10/2021/update-ethiopia-hired-more-help-in-dc-to-lobby-u-s-government/ 

“The law firms representing the government of Ethiopia are indirectly responsible for the crimes committed in Tigray and have blood in their hands. They are representing a genocidal, oppressive and prejudicial government.”

With the current unstable state of Ethiopia and the genocidal war against Tigray, which has seen crimes against humanity, war crimes and ethnic cleansing committed by the current government, we have to reconsider and reflect on how various international organizations have a part in the devastating genocide-driven war. 

The law firms representing the government of Ethiopia are indirectly responsible for the crimes committed in Tigray and have blood in their hands. They are representing a genocidal, oppressive and prejudicial government. Law firms, international profit and non-profit organizations need to understand what the Ethiopian government stands for before attempting to speak for them. If not, they will be representing a government that seeks to eradicate Tigrayans from Ethiopia and erase their existence from their native land.

Gual Inda Aba Ts’ahma – Omna Tigray Contributor, May 2021

How do you navigate life after war?

I was struggling with my mental health and living amid a global pandemic, so I decided to travel to Tigray. I wanted to go back home to do macholot – a holy water ritual. I was going to spend a year in Tigray, travelling throughout the region, visiting churches and historical sites. I was raised in the West but wanted to experience more of my home. 

I arrived in Mekelle at the end of September 2020, initially staying with my aunt. From the start of my stay till the start of November, I was travelling the region. 

A couple of days after the war began, so did the aerial bombardments. There were multiple jet strikes in Mekelle. The start of the conflict marked the beginning of a communications blackout, no water or electricity, road closures, food shortages, and limited fuel. I remember an eight-year-old girl was killed in the midst of one of the airstrikes on the outskirts of Mekelle.  No one could keep up with the scale of the violence or make any sense of it, especially with the communication blackout. Things were changing, the atmosphere was tense, and people were frightened.

By the second week of the war, my aunt and I decided to leave Mekelle and move to the outskirts of the city to stay at a family member’s house, as many other residents in the capital were doing.

“On the morning of November 28, 2020, my family and I went to church, returning home by 8 AM. By the time we returned home, the indiscriminate shelling had begun.  It was different from  other airstrikes; it was continuous and evidently had no specific target in sight.”

On the morning of November 28, 2020, my family and I went to church, returning home by 8 AM. By the time we returned home, the indiscriminate shelling had begun.  It was different from  other airstrikes; it was continuous and evidently had no specific target in sight. We stayed in the basement, anxiously waiting for it to stop. I vividly remember the sight of my family weeping, pleading to God to spare us. 

The strikes eventually stopped, but we were still fearful of leaving the basement. When I got outside, standing in the garden, I could see a pillar of smoke about 50 meters tall. My neighbours’ door was badly hit by the shelling.

From a distance, I could see a lifeless body outside my neighbour’s house. I later found out it was my 65-year-old neighbour. He had returned from church and was sitting outside in the sun, waiting for his daughters to make him breakfast when the strikes began.

This is where his body laid. 
“From a distance, I could see a lifeless body outside my neighbour’s house. I later found out it was my 65-year-old neighbour. He had returned from church and was sitting outside in the sun, waiting for his daughters to make him breakfast when the strikes began.”

There were multiple airstrikes throughout November. You never knew who was alive or was caught in the attacks. The sound of artillery strikes in the distance was so unnerving. The missiles at night were especially jarring,  jolting you out of sleep. You imagine where your body would drop; how you would die, or who of your loved ones would die first. Playing out gory scenarios in your head, imagining that your roof would be the next to cave in. 

There are countless nights I remember praying and hearing explosions in the background. It was jet strike, after artillery strike, after shootings and missiles. An ongoing nightmare. At some point, though, something changed in me – I was no longer fearful. I was angry. 

“The sound of artillery strikes in the distance was so unnerving. The missiles at night were especially jarring,  jolting you out of sleep. You imagine where your body would drop; how you would die, or who of your loved ones would die first.”

The end of November saw what I now know marked the end of the “law-and-order enforcement operation” and the Ethiopian National Defence Force entering Mekelle. Then came the 6PM curfew. We still did not have water and very limited electricity. 

Before Ethiopian forces entered Mekelle, the only thing terrorising us were fighter jets. Now the forces orchestrating the violence were in front of us; enforcing curfews, stealing our goods, tormenting us, killing our people.

“Before Ethiopian forces entered Mekelle, the only thing terrorising us were fighter jets. Now the forces orchestrating the violence were in front of us; enforcing curfews, stealing our goods, tormenting us, killing our people.”

The gradual disintegration of Mekelle was painful to watch. The nights were filled with terror as heavy looting took place. I remember being woken up by a loud noise and seeing 10 thieves, all with AK 47’s firing into the air. Shortly after, my neighbour was stabbed as Ethiopian forces stole his car and belongings. The casual violence continued; we were completely defenceless. Mekelle was no longer the same city I was living in just a few weeks prior; the city was in a state of lawlessness.

“The gradual disintegration of Mekelle was painful to watch. The nights were filled with terror as heavy looting took place. I remember being woken up by a loud noise and seeing 10 thieves, all with AK 47’s firing into the air.”

Ethiopian forces were patrolling the city; anytime you were outside you would hear stories of civilians killed for staying out after 6 pm. Then came the stories of Ethiopian forces rounding up young men from the street. I stopped leaving the house other than to get water from a nearby river; I would take a jerrycan with me and fill it with enough water for my family. My family was petrified something would happen to me if I were caught outside. 

I was able to leave Mekelle at the end of December, but a couple of weeks before leaving I was able to speak to my mum. I remember the gasp when she heard my voice followed by “is that you – is that really you?” We both sobbed. I couldn’t imagine how she was dealing with this alone. It was a beautiful moment to finally tell her I was ok – a luxury I knew so many of my people were robbed of. 

“I remember the gasp when she heard my voice followed by “is that you – is that really you?” We both sobbed. I couldn’t imagine how she was dealing with this alone. It was a beautiful moment to finally tell her I was ok – a luxury I knew so many of my people were robbed of.”

Addis Ababa felt like another country. A staff member at my embassy made a passing comment to me about the behaviour of people in Addis Ababa, that you would never believe you were in the same country. It was ironic that a non-Ethiopian was able to empathise and notice the irony of the situation before my countrymen and women.

It took me two months to leave Ethiopia. Within those two months, I was disgusted; there was an evident lack of empathy amongst people. There was nothing worse than being in the capital city where people were championing the same forces decimating my home. I’m unable to describe the resentment I felt towards everything the city represents. 

“The thought of returning to Tigray crossed my mind constantly. Living with uncertainty in #Tigray seemed like a better option than living amongst the morally bankrupt in Addis Ababa.”

The image of my family members crying is etched in my mind, and the guilt of leaving them is still with me today. The thought of returning to Tigray crossed my mind constantly. Living with uncertainty in Tigray seemed like a better option than living amongst the morally bankrupt in Addis Ababa.

Since leaving Ethiopia, I feel anxious talking about my experience. I know I have a duty to speak up, but it doesn’t make it any less anxiety-inducing. Since leaving, I tried to journal my thoughts a number of times, but the weight of it sent me further into the depths of depression. Knowing there are so many Tigrayans that weren’t afforded the luxury of leaving or  survival is a constant reminder as to why I must share my story.

There is not a moment I hear a plane and am not immediately transported back to Tigray. Prayer helps; I find comfort in prayer and leaning on my faith. I weep for Tigray, I am overcome with rage; I know without God, I would give into anger. Being alone helps. Silence gives me room to grieve.

I don’t know how else I would be able to navigate the terror of living through war to then being transported to my life in Australia.

“I don’t know how else I would be able to navigate the terror of living through war to then being transported to my life in Australia.”

Being confronted with the fragility of life has changed the trajectory of my life and my outlook forever.  There is not much I find solace in beyond thinking about the day I can return home to my country, Tigray.

“Being confronted with the fragility of life has changed the trajectory of my life and my outlook forever.  There is not much I find solace in beyond thinking about the day I can return home to my country, #Tigray.”

Rowena – Omna Tigray Contributor, May 2021

Amhara Expansionism during the Genocidal War in Tigray

Ethiopia’s unelected Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has made it clear that he desires to fulfill his life-long dream of becoming Ethiopia’s 7th king. This includes following Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie’s imperial governing styles and land annexation strategy. 

Ethiopia is not unfamiliar to land disputes, however, donkeys being stolen by the hundreds is unchartered territory. While this theft is almost farcical, it is an intentional part of a plan to hinder the agricultural life of Tigray, uproot farmers from their ancestral lands, and destabilize the region. Stealing livestock and burning crops are among the numerous actions taken by the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), regional militias, and foreign invading forces to further intensify the land disputes and tension taking place during the war in Tigray. These calculated acts aim at weakening future Tigrayan generations through famine and violence. This war, still referred to by the Ethiopian federal government as a law-and-order enforcement operation, is entering its seventh month.

“Ethiopia’s unelected Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has made it clear that he desires to fulfill his life-long dream of becoming Ethiopia’s 7th king. This includes following Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie’s imperial governing styles and land annexation strategy.”

That is over half a year of telecommunication and media blackouts, restricted and looted humanitarian aid, extrajudicial civilian executions, weaponized rape, biological warfare, and a looming man-made famine. While the fascist Abiy Ahmed and co. claim victory in taking down Tigray’s democratically-elected regional government, the rest of the world sees that declaration as far from the truth. 

Along with inviting foreign invaders such as Eritrean and Somali forces to unleash terror on the Tigray region, Abiy Ahmed’s administration has made an attempt to legitimize land grabbing and Amhara expansionism.

“Along with inviting foreign invaders such as Eritrean and Somali forces to unleash terror on the Tigray region, Abiy Ahmed’s administration has made an attempt to legitimize land grabbing and Amhara expansionism.”

One of the first actions taken by the Ethiopian forces entering Tigray was removing the Tigray regional flag from invaded areas and replacing it with the notorious plain green, yellow, and red Derg-era flag. The use of this specific flag, which has also been seen being waved at Ethiopian pro-genocide rallies around the U.S. and in other countries, is a reminder that supporters of this war have an agenda to take the country back to a unitarian, Amhara-dominated state. In fact, numerous Ethiopian diaspora community centers frequently use the Derg-era flag over the Ethiopian federal flag, which is a blatant gesture that only one specific type of person is welcome at that establishment. There have been publicly expressed sentiments by several members of the Amhara community to officially change their regional flag to the plain Derg-era green, yellow, and red flag. Thus, to those who claim this flag represents Ethiopia, being Ethiopian is synonymous with being Amhara.

In reference to the well-evidenced expansionism and land grabbing, Amhara state official Gizachew Muluneh stated, “[…land was] taken by force and now has been returned by force.” This is partly true; however, it is an incomplete history and the blame lies not with Tigray but with no other than the 20th century Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie I.

Some lands surrounding present day Tigray such as Raya and other provinces, along with western Tigrayan regions including Welkayt, were annexed from Tigray by Selassie in the 1940s. Prior to this expansionism, these were Tigrayan lands under Tigrayan governance for centuries. This is evidenced by the Tigrayan names of the cities in these areas (e.g., Mai Hanse, Tselemti, Adi Hamli). Furthermore, Tigrinya has remained the first language of the vast majority of people from the region, ethnic Tigrayans, throughout history. 

The routine of land annexation and expansionism into Tigray by Haile Selassie must first and always be acknowledged and assessed. Therefore, to say the land was taken by force is a valid statement, but contrary to Gizachew Muluneh’s claim, the party responsible for such action is not Tigray — the land was taken away from Tigray. Similar Tigrayan land annexations and border manipulation can be traced even further back in Ethiopian history to the 19th century when Emperor Menelik II ruled. Along with incorporating areas of western Tigray to Gondar, the emperor betrayed Tigrayans by negotiating the Treaty of Wichale and granting Italian colonizers the rights to Tigrayan and modern-day Eritrean land.

In reality, there was no officially recognized Amhara regional state until the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front promulgated the Constitution of Ethiopia in 1995.

Now, the Amhara militia and elite are attempting to claim Tigrayan land as part of the Amhara region in the name of a law and order operation. These actions have provoked a large amount of violence during the war in Tigray, which has been especially prevalent in these land grabbing hotspots such as along the Welkayt border. Beyond Tigray, Amhara expansionism is spilling over to neighboring countries. Sudanese Water Minister Yasir Abbas describes the threat of such expansionism, “The rise of the Amhara in Ethiopia’s politics is threatening the future of relations between our nations — not countries, but nations, peoples with literally thousands of years of shared history.”

“In reality, there was no officially recognized Amhara regional state until the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front promulgated the Constitution of Ethiopia in 1995.”

Flags are not the only indication of the ongoing land grabbing in Tigray. It is reported that Amhara militia and Ethiopian forces are instructing Tigrayans to destroy their Tigrayan IDs and replace them with Amhara IDs. These civilians are ordered to denounce their Tigrayan identity and declare themselves as Amhara. Such actions are unequivocally done to perpetrate and push Tigrayans out of their homes in an attempt to take advantage of the intentional destabilization of the region. 

“It is reported that Amhara militia and Ethiopian forces are instructing Tigrayans to destroy their Tigrayan IDs and replace them with Amhara IDs. These civilians are ordered to denounce their Tigrayan identity and declare themselves as Amhara.”

According to the elected Tigrayan Regional President Dr. Debretsion Gebremichael, there will not be any call for negotiations until the Amhara militia and other invaders withdraw from the Tigray region, including falsely reclaimed areas. Not only are Tigrayans fighting to survive weaponized famine, weaponized rape, bombs, and extrajudicial killings, they are fighting to defend and uphold their identity — one that has never wavered for thousands of years. So, while invaders can steal donkeys, hand out IDs, and wave oppressive flags, they can never change the identity of an ethnic Tigrayan.

“According to the elected Tigrayan Regional President Dr. Debretsion Gebremichael, there will not be any call for negotiations until the Amhara militia and other invaders withdraw from the Tigray region, including falsely reclaimed areas.”

As Dr. Debretsion Gebremichael stated, “We are fighting for our identity. We are fighting for our rights. We are fighting against all invaders to the end.”

Omna Tigray Contributor, May 2021

How the International Community is Failing to Stop a Genocidal War in Tigray, Ethiopia

During social injustices, catastrophic wars, and genocides, there have been two dominant recurring elements that enable the perpetrators and oppressors. They are the politics of silence and the blatant disregard for the human cost of conflict and war. 

In the mid 1990s, two devastating atrocities occurred that shook the international community to its core. In 1994, there was the Rwandan genocide.  After just one hundred days, Hutu extremists had slaughtered 800,000 Tutsi. [1]Cowell, Alan. “Rwanda Marks 25 Years Since the Genocide. The Country Is Still Grappling With Its Legacy.” The New York Times. The New York Times, April 6, 2019. … Continue reading In 1995, during the Bosnian war, the Srebrenica genocide took place in which over 8,000 Bosniak muslim men and boys were killed over a three month period.[2]“Scenes from Hell: 1995 Srebrenica Genocide in Photos.” AP NEWS. Associated Press, July 10, 2020.
https://apnews.com/article/ec01765d17e8c27ead9c3f3ea6e6ca36.
In both cases, the international community and the United Nations were mere bystanders to the horrifying ethnically driven massacres that occurred. 

Following the atrocities of Rwanda and Bosnia, which the international community failed to prevent, United Nations member states committed to the principle of the Responsibility to Protect. The year 2020 marked the 15th anniversary of the adoption of the principle, though it is failing at the very thing it promised to accomplish:

“The adoption of the principle was a milestone in international efforts to ensure that past failures of collective action, represented by the failure to prevent the genocides in Rwanda and Srebrenica, would never be repeated.”[3] “United Nations Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect.” United Nations. United Nations. Accessed April 14, 2021. … Continue reading 

Currently, there is undeniable evidence of horrendous crimes against humanity, war crimes, and active genocide and ethnic cleansing in Tigray, a region in northern Ethiopia. 

The genocidal war started on November 4, 2020, disguised as a law-and-order enforcement operation against the elected leaders of Tigray – the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The war has been perpetuated and supported by the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments, as both have troops engaged in active combat within the region. Eritrea’s military involvement in the war is a clear form of invasion and unlawful occupation. The rate and scale of these crimes, if left further unchecked, are feared to equate to the magnitude of harm caused to civilians during the Rwanda genocide and Srebrenica massacare. 

“During social injustices, catastrophic wars, and genocides, there have been two dominant recurring elements that enable the perpetrators and oppressors. They are the politics of silence and the blatant disregard for the human cost of conflict and war.”

Here is why. (Trigger Warning: Graphic descriptions of torture, rape, murder, massacres and mass graves.)

In 1998, when visiting Kigali, Rwanda, President Clinton spoke to Rwandan officials and survivors and said: “It may seem strange to you here, especially the many of you who lost members of your family, but all over the world there were people like me sitting in offices, day after day after day, who did not fully appreciate the depth and the speed with which you were being engulfed by this unimaginable terror.” [4]Power, Samantha. “Bystanders to Genocide.” The Atlantic. Atlantic Media Company, September 8, 2019. https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2001/09/bystanders-to-genocide/304571/.

As the role of the United States or the international community in the Rwandan genocide is questionable in several respects, it is important to highlight the latter part of that statement: “ […] who did not fully appreciate the depth and the speed with which you were being engulfed by this unimaginable terror.” This lack of appreciation of unimaginable terror is being repeated today, as the situation in Tigray only worsens. 

Since the genocidal war began in Tigray, over 70,000 civilians have died as the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) continues to deny the severity of the ongoing massacres. Over 150 massacres have occurred all over Tigray. One of the most horrific massacres that was able to be investigated is the massacre in Axum, Tigray, in which over 800 children, women and men were killed by the Eritrean Defense Forces over a 10-day period. The final number of civilians killed in Axum is still unknown, but feared to reach well over a thousand. There have also been incriminating videos leaked, including one showing members of the ENDF shooting civilians point blank and throwing them off a cliff while physically and mentally torturing them. These gruesome attacks on civilians are not only signs of violence toward a specific region and its people, but also hold elements of a genocidal crime under the UN Genocide Convention Article

“Since the genocidal war began in Tigray, over 70,000 civilians have died as the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) continues to deny the severity of the ongoing massacres. Over 50 massacres have occurred all over Tigray.” #TigrayCantWait

The weakening of Tigray started after the Prosperity Political Party (current party leading Ethiopia under the undemocratic and unconstitutional rule of PM Abiy Ahmed) took power in 2018 by dissolving the constitutionally sanctioned Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government. At the time, there were civilian reports of the Amhara regional government or rebel groups of that region closing its borders to halt and weaken the economic activity of Tigray. It was forced to find other routes which were longer and more expensive to import food and basic goods. The Ethiopian government remained inactive in mitigating the worsening economic situation of Tigray. In addition, PM Abiy Ahmed suspended the region’s yearly budget shortly after Tigray held their regional elections per their constitutional right and despite Abiy’s decision to postpone the national and regional elections. Results of the election saw the TPLF win all seats of the regional constituencies.[5]Al Jazeera. “Governing Party in Ethiopia’s Tigray Sweeps Regional Polls.” Elections News | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, September 11, 2020. … Continue reading  PM Abiy Ahmed would later dismiss the results calling the election illegal, seeming to forget he was not democratically elected to power and currently is running an illegitimate government.  

“PM Abiy Ahmed suspended the region’s yearly budget shortly after Tigray held their regional elections per their constitutional right and despite Abiy’s decision to postpone the national and regional elections.” #TigrayCantWait

Therefore, the already existing economic hardships complemented by present strategic bombings and lootings of hospitals, schools and churches have caused massive shortages of food, healthcare services, medicine and safe spaces for civilians. Women are being raped as a method of “cleansing their bloodline.”[6]Feleke, Bethlehem, Eliza Mackintosh, Gianluca Mezzofiore, Katie Polglase, Nima Elbagir, Barbara Arvanitidis, and Alex Platt. “’Practically Genocide’: Doctors Say Rape Used as Tool of … Continue reading Beyond the region of Tigray, in every city in Ethiopia, Tigrayans are specifically targeted and face imprisonment and forceful displacement. In addition, weaponized starvation has been a main tool for the Ethiopian government in its war on Tigray.[7]Osman, Jamal. “Ethiopia: Hunger ‘Used as a Weapon of War’ in Tigray Conflict.” Channel 4 News, April 6, 2021. … Continue reading The region is strategically and deliberately being starved. This has been carried out in various ways such as Eritrean and Ethiopian forces stealing grains, killing cattle and livestock, destroying farms and threatening farmers choosing to farm their land. 

All of these deliberate acts to suffocate and exterminate Tigrayan people fall under the following crimes detailed in the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: crimes against humanity (Article 7), war crimes (Article 8) and ethnic cleansing which can fall within the jurisdiction of the Genocide Convention. 

“Tigray region is strategically and deliberately being starved… as Eritrean and Ethiopian forces stealing grains, killing cattle and livestock, destroying farms and threatening farmers choosing to farm their land.” #TigrayCantWait

With every passing day, time is running out. Urgent action is needed to address the deadly humanitarian disaster storm building and the continued loss of human life.

Channel 4 presented “Tigray: The Horrors of the Hidden War”  offering testimonies from witnesses and survivors of massacares and sexual violence. At the very least, one can try and understand the dire need for urgency. Ethiopian and Eritrean military forces are committing war crimes and crimes against humanity. The use of weaponized hunger and weaponized rape is rampant in this region. Farms have been destroyed and farmers have been massacred or instructed not to farm their land. Women’s bodies are being used as a battlefield to further dehumanize and traumatize the Tigrayan people locally and globally. The depth and speed of the unimaginable terror that has engulfed Tigray is occurring whether or not we are paying close attention to it.

“Women’s bodies are being used as a battlefield to further dehumanize and traumatize the Tigrayan people locally and globally.” #TigrayCantWait

We Must Act Before It Is Too Late

For the 20th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide (2014), various world leaders came out and showed their deep remorse and reiterated their commitment to what has become the universal slogan associated with genocides since the Holocaust: “Never Again.” Yet, here we are. Again. 

Responsibility to Protect is a fragile promise without concrete strategies that can be implemented to help the most vulnerable- innocent civilians- during conflict and war.  The doctrine fails if it cannot recognize evidence for the elements of crime it is meant to police in order to prevent massive atrocious crimes.

The international community and the UN Human Rights Council must do better and take all the urgent steps needed to relieve the people of Tigray from this unimaginable terror before Tigray’s economy, social fabric, and collective psyche is beyond repair. 

We have to keep in mind that the Holocaust did not happen overnight. It was portrayed as a necessary defensive measure first. Similarly, PM Abiy Ahmed, on Novemever 4, 2020, claimed; what has now become a full blown genocide, was a “law-and-order operation.” The PM has changed the narrative since, but it was not until the surfacing of incriminating evidence, including leaked videos showing the massacre of Tigrayan civilians, the testimony of rape survivors, and evidence of Eritrean military presence.  

During the Rwandan genocide, Hutu extremists called for the total erasure of every Tutsi and Tutsi empathizer on public radio. The statement was filled with hate speech and the false equivalence of the Tutsi government to the Tutsi people. They were seen as a monolith, thus the people were as guilty as the government for any crimes. The Tutsis were dehumanized being compared to cockroaches and other animals. Similarly, Tigrayans have been stripped of their humanity and reduced to being called daytime hyenas and termites. It is this type of dehumanization that leads to greater chaos giving corrupt and unelected officials the power to destroy and traumatize entire generations to come. 

“The Holocaust did not happen overnight. It was portrayed as a necessary defensive measure first. Similarly, PM Abiy Ahmed, on Novemever 4, 2020, claimed; what has now become a full blown genocide, was a “law-and-order operation.” ” #TigrayCantWait

Remembrance of what we neglected to pay attention to in other genocidal cases can perhaps help us solve the conundrum of achieving peaceful conflict resolution now. It has been over five months since the start of these atrocities, the conflict, and the war. In today’s globalized world, we should have stopped this by now. This should have never happened. Again.

Tigray then and now

Alexander “Skunder” Boghossian (1937-2003) was an Ethiopian-Armenian acclaimed modern artist. In 1975, he painted Inferno at Axum to depict the ravages of conflict with shades of red to evoke the emotions of anger and danger.[8]Giorgis, Elizabeth W. Modernist Art in Ethiopia. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2019. He created several works like this out of his depression that was brought on by the gruesome rule of the socialist military junta known as Derg. During this period, Mengistu Haile Mariam, former non-elected President of Ethiopia (1974-1991), was merciless to anyone and any group that opposed his repressive “socialist” system; his government was responsible for killing over 250,000 people.[9] “Ethiopian Dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam.” Human Rights Watch, October 28, 2020. https://www.hrw.org/news/1999/11/24/ethiopian-dictator-mengistu-haile-mariam. He used intimidation, weaponized starvation, denial of humanitarian aid in the midst of a famine he ignored, mass incarceration, murders and public execution as a way to stay in power. It is estimated that 1 million people died of starvation, and the area affected the most was Tigray.[10]Reid, Kathryn. “1980s Ethiopia Famine: Facts, FAQs, and How to Help.” World Vision, June 5, 2020. https://www.worldvision.org/disaster-relief-news-stories/1980s-ethiopia-famine-facts.

The current Ethiopian government is using similar tactics of weaponized starvation, denial of the severity of atrocities and healthcare emergencies. Most importantly, the government is refusing to provide a substantial humanitarian corridor to address the health crises, exacerbated by the pandemic. Forty-six years later, Axum, the cradle of civilization, is again, in the middle of another literal and figurative inferno. Tigray is desperately hanging on by a thread despite the unimaginable terror, bloodbath, repression and misery. These are violent attempts to erase the history and existence of an ancient civilization.

So, I ask, the global Black Community, the African Union, the United States, and the UN Security Council and the rest of the international community—what are you waiting for? What happened to the Responsibility to Protect? Why are you silently watching as clear and undeniable evidence of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes is right in front of you? 

“The international community and the UN Human Rights Council must do better and take all the urgent steps needed to relieve the people of Tigray from this unimaginable terror.” #TigrayCantWait

We should all be enraged. We should all be furious that we have to campaign for innocent civilians losing their life and livelihoods just because they are a minority and of a particular ethnic group. We have the responsibility to make sure we pressure the representatives of our communities to act on this. What happened in Rwanda and Bosnia was an international embarrassment and failure. We need to remember the international community turned a blind eye and was indifferent then, but we must vow not to let what is happening in Tigray become the Rwandan genocide of our generation. 

Tigray cannot wait. Tigray does not need your past due vigils and apologies of collective inaction in the future. Immediate ceasefire and the withdrawal of foreign military are vital in order to address the overwhelming humanitarian crisis. 

Tigray needs an immediate humanitarian aid corridor, adequate care and documentation of the refugees in Sudan, and direct action against all those that are involved in these atrocious crimes described. By staying silent, complacent and indifferent, we are only empowering the perpetrators of these heinous crimes and simply allowing the history of collective inaction to repeat. 

“Tigray cannot wait. Tigray does not need your past due vigils and apologies of collective inaction in the future. Immediate ceasefire and the withdrawal of foreign military are vital in order to address the overwhelming humanitarian crisis.” 

Tigray shall and will prevail. In the future, will you be rejoicing having helped stop a horrendous genocide or apologizing, again, for your inaction? 

We are each other's harvest; 
we are each other's business; 
We are each other's magnitude and bond.
Gwendolyn Brooks

Gual Inda Aba Ts’ahma – Omna Tigray Contributor, April 2021

References

References
1 Cowell, Alan. “Rwanda Marks 25 Years Since the Genocide. The Country Is Still Grappling With Its Legacy.” The New York Times. The New York Times, April 6, 2019.
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/06/world/africa/rwanda-genocide-25-years.html.
2 “Scenes from Hell: 1995 Srebrenica Genocide in Photos.” AP NEWS. Associated Press, July 10, 2020.
https://apnews.com/article/ec01765d17e8c27ead9c3f3ea6e6ca36.
3  “United Nations Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect.” United Nations. United Nations. Accessed April 14, 2021. https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/15th-anniversary.shtml
4 Power, Samantha. “Bystanders to Genocide.” The Atlantic. Atlantic Media Company, September 8, 2019. https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2001/09/bystanders-to-genocide/304571/.
5 Al Jazeera. “Governing Party in Ethiopia’s Tigray Sweeps Regional Polls.” Elections News | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, September 11, 2020. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/9/11/governing-party-in-ethiopias-tigray-sweeps-regional-polls.
6 Feleke, Bethlehem, Eliza Mackintosh, Gianluca Mezzofiore, Katie Polglase, Nima Elbagir, Barbara Arvanitidis, and Alex Platt. “’Practically Genocide’: Doctors Say Rape Used as Tool of War in Ethiopia.” CNN. Cable News Network, March 22, 2021.
https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/19/africa/ethiopia-tigray-rape-investigation-cmd-intl/index.html.
7 Osman, Jamal. “Ethiopia: Hunger ‘Used as a Weapon of War’ in Tigray Conflict.” Channel 4 News, April 6, 2021.
https://www.channel4.com/news/ethiopia-hunger-used-as-a-weapon-of-war-in-tigray-conflict.
8 Giorgis, Elizabeth W. Modernist Art in Ethiopia. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2019.
9  “Ethiopian Dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam.” Human Rights Watch, October 28, 2020. https://www.hrw.org/news/1999/11/24/ethiopian-dictator-mengistu-haile-mariam.
10 Reid, Kathryn. “1980s Ethiopia Famine: Facts, FAQs, and How to Help.” World Vision, June 5, 2020. https://www.worldvision.org/disaster-relief-news-stories/1980s-ethiopia-famine-facts.

How I Found Myself in the Tigrayan Struggle

The Story of a Tigrayan in Addis Ababa

I am not a great writer, and under normal circumstances, I would not be writing about this. However, I have realized that when it comes to Ethiopia, staying quiet hasn’t benefited Tigrayans. With the genocidal war waged on Tigray on November 4, 2020, I feel the need to speak up. 

This is not a special story. It is one that is common among Tigrayans in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. 

In the past year, I have realized that I have lived in a fantasy world all my life. I grew up thinking that Ethiopia was home to a perfectly diverse, peace-loving, and progressive population. I am now amazed by how out of touch I was from the dark history and reality of Ethiopia.

My parents are Tigrayans and I was born and raised in Addis Ababa. My family is middle class at best. My parents worked hard to provide us with a quality education and to put food on the table. Up until my twenties, my connection to Tigray was limited to sending books, pens, and clothings to relatives in Tigray. 

I was a typical Addis Ababaian. My family was too. We assimilated, unconsciously conforming to the culture, language, and lifestyle of the city. We celebrated ‘Abebayosh’ (a more typical Amhara celebration) more than ‘Ashenda’ (a Tigrayan festival). We sang and danced to “Menilik Tikur Sew” and “Ethiopia hagere yedefersh yiwdem,” and  other songs that were pro-Ethiopian nationalism. Little did I know that I was singing and dancing to songs that would be used as background music to the decimation of my own people – Tigrayan people.

“I grew up thinking that Ethiopia was home to a perfectly diverse, peace-loving, and progressive population. I am now amazed by how out of touch I was from the dark history and reality of Ethiopia.”

As a member of the Tigrayan population in Addis Ababa, I now feel deeply betrayed by both communities. I blame my parents and relatives for not teaching me Tigray’s history and for not telling me what Tigrayans went through in the past. 

I also feel betrayed by the people in my hometown, the city I was born and raised in, that now sees me and my parents as the “enemy.” The truth came out in pieces … and then slowly flooded our homes and hearts with blood.

My upbringing as a Tigrayan in Addis Ababa… 

I grew up aware of my Tigrayan identity. I was raised to respect the dynamic identity of populations in Ethiopia. I was raised to be conscious of others’ feelings, emotions and to not offend anyone in our community.

Retrospectively, I am not going to deny the fact that I had my own implicit biases against people from outside of Addis Ababa. For example, my friends and I often laughed at non-city sounding names. I had my own biases against every ‘non-Addis Ababian’ (non-urban) person. It was all fun and jokes at the time, but I believe those small implicit biases contribute to the bigger problems we see today. 

Ethiopia’s university system draws students from across the country to new areas in hopes of creating appreciation for the country’s diversity. Now, as I witness students who once studied at Mekelle University (in Tigray’s capital) cheering for the destruction of Mekelle or Tigray, I can’t help but wonder if education or cultural integration through universities failed to address the root cause of the problem. 

2005 Election

As I think back, there were always signs of what was to come. One of my best friends once said to me, “Tegrewochu yihidulin” (we want Tigrayans out). We were in middle school. He wasn’t the brightest kid, he never really paid attention in our civic or history classes. His parents appeared to be loving people. I wondered what they taught him at home behind closed doors.

There were protests throughout the city against the outcome of the elections. It did not take long for me to realize that Tigrayans were being scapegoated for the problems.

Many were chanting, “Tigre wede Mekelle” (deport Tigrayans to Mekelle). My Tigrayan friends and I were shocked. We knew our parents were from Tigray,  but we had no clue what they did to deserve deportation. None of us had been to Mekelle at that time, so it felt somewhat foreign.

What happened during the protests was utter chaos. My most vivid memory was of the fear in my father’s eyes when he came to pick me up from school during one of the protests in Addis Ababa. I could see he felt threatened, unsafe, and concerned about the future.

Although I was young, I too felt the uncertainty, the rush, the panic.

“Many were chanting, “Tigre wede Mekelle” (deport Tigrayans to Mekelle). My Tigrayan friends and I were shocked. We knew our parents were from Tigray, but we had no clue what they did to deserve deportation.”

ESAT: The media that spread hate against Tigray and Tigrayans

The flames of ethnic tension in 2005 continued to be fanned by Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT). 

ESAT journalists shared conspiracy theories, and demonized Tigrayans every day. Ethiopians, ate it up!

In my home, we were not allowed to watch TV, though on occasion we watched some family oriented shows. Our parents wanted us to focus on our studies. I had never heard of ESAT. It was never brought up in conversation with friends and we never really discussed politics. I thought all of our problems could be solved if we were educated together. I had no clue what the rest of Addis Ababa was being fed day in and day out until recently.

The first time I learned about ESAT in 2016, it came with a warning from my cousin who lived in the United States. She told me to keep my “eyes open.” She mentioned that Tigrayans were being targeted in the media – especially on ESAT. There was apparently a Youtube video on “How to shoot a Tigrayan in the leg” and that ESAT released a statement to challenge the Ethiopian people to fight Tigrayans who made up 5 million of Ethiopia’s 95 million population at that time. I dismissed it and thought “diasporas are crazy, man. No one is going to do that.

But I was wrong… 

Following ESAT’s call for solidarity against Tigryans in 2016, universities became a hit zone for Tigrayans, and later they became a crime scene for everyone. So many despicable things happened, including the killing of innocent Tigrayans, the removal of Tigrayan students’ eyes, and the burning of Tigrayan homes in Gondar that launched the internal displacement of Tigrayans from different parts of Ethiopia. There was a systematic demonizing and persecution of Tigrayans all over Ethiopia.

The same friend who said, “we want the Tigrayans out,” in middle school, said that the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) made Ethiopians racist. The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) was a key member of the EPRDF coalition and Tigrayans were often associated with the EPRDF regime and its doings.

“Many despicable things happened, including the killing of innocent Tigrayans, the removal of Tigrayan students’ eyes, and the burning of Tigrayan homes in Gondar that launched the internal displacement of Tigrayans from different parts of Ethiopia.”

Other people also joined the chorus. 

You don’t think Tigrayans benefited from the system?” or  “By the way, I like the people of Tigray but not TPLF…”  said the same person who is denying the rape and death of civilians during the genocidal war today. 

Our Addis Ababian friends were quick to tell us about Tigrayans’ experience in Addis Ababa. They didn’t want to hear what we had to say. If we had anything positive to say about Tigray or Tigrayans, some of them went as far as telling us that we were brainwashed and lied to by our Tigrayan community elders. 

Slowly, I stopped engaging with friends about the Tigrayan struggle for equality in Ethiopia. They believed the accusations made about Tigrayans on ESAT more than they believed their own friends. 

I am not going to defend the EPRDF regime for its oppressive reputation, but the party did not represent Tigrayans nor work for the Tigrayan population alone. Tigrayans were members of the community receiving the same services as others. We were no different. Money didn’t rain in Tigray or in our homes, but the way others portrayed it made it seem like each one of us was receiving gold chains for every breath we took. 

“We supported the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and we gave money to the project… Tigrayans had fully bought into the idea of the “Ethiopian” identity, without realizing that we were never fully accepted by other Ethiopians.”

Ethiopia was one of the fastest growing economies during the EPRDF regime, but Tigrayans were not the beneficiaries of the rapid economic growth. The Ethiopian elites were made up of people from different ethinic groups. 

Tigrayans often supported developmental projects during the EPRDF regime, not because TPLF was a key party in the coalition, but because all we wanted was development, for the country to do better, and most of all – we wanted peace. We know the cost of war – most of us have lost close family members in wars. Our mothers were thankful for and willing to do anything to preserve peace. We supported the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and we gave money to the project without a second thought. Tigrayans had fully bought into the idea of the “Ethiopian” identity, without realizing that we were never fully accepted by other Ethiopians. 

It was shocking and painful to discover your own friends were saying such awful things about Tigrayans.

Personal experiences of anti-Tigrayans sentiments…

“A Tigrayan can’t be rich, poor, smart, or dumb without having his or her Tigrayan roots mentioned in the conversation in Addis Ababa.”

A Tigrayan can’t be rich, poor, smart, or dumb without having his or her Tigrayan roots mentioned in the conversation in Addis Ababa.

I remember once in my profile picture on social media I had an afro, but I was naive to not know the association of this hairstyle with Tigrayan fighters during the Derg regime. A very close friend said: 

Zemedochisihn new mitmesiyew, keyriw please” (Please change your afro hair style, you look like your Tigrayan relatives.)

Tigrayans were also perceived as having access to wealth and weapons. Occasionally, I got the usual:

“Tigre aydelesh eski yeteshale sira asfeligilign” (Aren’t you a Tigrayan, find me a better job through your connections.)

To this day I cannot believe what a medical doctor friend of mine said: 

It looks like the number of contraceptives and abortion laws in Amhara was designed to depopulate the Amhara region.”

Typically, when people refer to harmful laws implemented in the Amhara region, they blame the EPRDF regime, but I had never heard such extreme opinions before. I didn’t respond to her statement, I was in disbelief. 

The comments continued.  The sad thing is most of us Tigrayans did not bother to correct their jokes on Tigrayan identity or how the EPRDF was being associated with Tigrayans. 

“The comments continued. The sad thing is most of us Tigrayans did not bother to correct their jokes on Tigrayan identity or how the EPRDF was being associated with Tigrayans.”

And then there was the election– 

Tigrayans decided to hold a regional election in August 2020. The unelected Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed, did not support this election. He wanted to postpone the regional and federal elections and used COVID-19 as an excuse. Through a state-sponsored campaign, Abiy’s administration successfully made it look like holding an election was a crime against humanity.

During this period, Abiy strengthened ties with Eritrea’s dictator Isaias Afwerki. Ethiopian youth went out to celebrate dictator Isayas’s visit to Ethiopia. No one questioned why Ethiopians or the Prime Minister would celebrate a guy who is known to have destroyed his own country – Eritrea. 

Anti-Tigrayan sentiments escalated across the media. The Amhara elites began telling farmers not to sell their goods to Tigray or Tigrayans. They genuinely believed that the best way to defeat Tigrayans would be to starve them. They blocked roads to Tigray and started robbing trucks and cars in an attempt to starve the Tigrayans in Tigray.

Amhara Regional Government officials admitted to blocking roads to Tigray because Tigrayans were “harboring criminals.” 

“Tigrayans decided to hold a regional election in August 2020. The unelected Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed, did not support this election. He wanted to postpone the regional and federal elections and used COVID-19 as an excuse.”

I will never forget the videos of armed men threatening to destroy Tigray, broadcasted on social media since 2018. The same men were paraded around as heroes in Amhara Regional Government meetings and conferences. 

Each one became hunters of what the Prime Minister called ‘‘ye ken jib’’ (daytime hyenas).

I visited Tigray during the elections. No one was harassing non-Tigrayans. To the contrary, the people would speak to you in their broken Amharic if they felt like you were struggling with Tigrigna – it is our culture to welcome guests. No hate was sung against innocent people. They would criticize Abiy, but they saw criticizing a politician as a right. I was pleasantly surprised by the political knowledge of the average Tigrayan and their ability to separate people and governments.

The world turned upside down right before our eyes

The war on Tigray broke out on November 4, 2020. 

People in Addis Ababa began voicing their support for the war. Our friends, our neighbors, and our co-workers. All of them were happy to hear a war being waged on Tigray. 

“People in Addis Ababa began voicing their support for the war. Our friends, our neighbors, and our co-workers. All of them were happy to hear a war being waged on Tigray.”

They posted and shared their support of the war on social media outlets. To my surprise, those who had lived and worked in Tigray, or those with better exposure to the people of Tigray than myself, were cheering for the destruction of Tigrayan cities.

Our Instagram friends who had enjoyed watching what we had had for breakfast, lunch and dinner muted us when we started speaking out against war.

Every complaint was followed by whataboutism. Friends were no longer allies. People stopped asking questions and just started to watch and see how the war would play out.

Addis Ababa police raided Tigrayan homes. Some Tigrayans were being taken to the police station and disappearing for days. My aunt was held hostage by the police for no apparent reason. 

We were nervous to go to the airport even as civilians. We began mocking each other by looking at each other’s’ ID’s to see if we could be identified by our last names and thrown in jail. Tigrayans usually have distinct names that could be identified easily. We asked ourselves if we would lie and say we were not Tigrayans. Would we proudly say we were Tigrayans and risk prison? 

We could not reach loved ones in Tigray. But news about airstrikes and door to door killings in Tigray were common. Everyone was in the dark and it only kept getting darker.

Constant anxiety and panic attacks. We received phone calls from family members abroad with uncontrollable tears. They somehow knew our pain. 

Police officers were telling people to identify Tigrayans coming back from Mekelle. Our neighbors called our children “little juntas” and their friends were told not to hang out with Tigrayans. The non-Tigrayan people we once considered ours turned against us.  

Our non-Tigrayan mother and father in-laws started denying the atrocities happening inside of Tigray, forgetting that we are family. They always asserted: “In the end, Tigrayans will be Tigrayans.” They seemed to be disappointed by the fact that we didn’t want to see another war. 

My coworkers couldn’t hold in their excitement to go cheer for war on Tigray. Those who grieved for the innocent lives during the protests that followed the 2005 election results happily accepted that Tigrayan youth (our brothers and sisters) could be collateral damage in the name of politics.

All the while, Tigrayans in Ethiopia and across the globe were worried about their loved ones in Tigray and in Addis Ababa. My family has already lost three distant cousins.  A few family members in the ENDF are missing after being taken out for questioning and a few more are seeking refuge in Sudan.

Humanity slowly disappeared into thin air. The Ethiopians who in the past would stand by to make sure you have your tire changed, or gather to help with anything, turned into strangers who wished you ill. 

Our Ethiopian “friends” chose to ignore our suffering. They never asked about our relatives in Tigray. At birthday celebrations, they got mad at us for not laughing as much, or for acting “oddly.”

It became clear. They never liked our Tigrayan identity. Such dislike did not develop in the past thirty years; it was a culturally and socially constructed hate that goes back for generations. 

Conversations with friends in Addis Ababa have become different — shallow, tasteless, meaningless. They want Tigrayans to denounce their Tigrayan roots. Tigrayans’ response: “Watch me protect it with all I have got.”

In the end…

I am Tigrayan. No amount of hate or fear can diminish that part of my identity. I, like many others raised in Addis Ababa, didn’t grow up romanticizing living in Tigray. 

Since the war began, I have made every effort to learn about Tigray’s history and its people. There is nothing that I am ashamed of. 

In fact, I have found a cause greater than myself. A cause to protect my heritage and my identity. A cause to resist forced assimilation and to rebuild Tigray.

My last message is to fellow ESAT followers. I would like you to to understand that:

  1. A country is not an idea, it is the people in it.
  2. Invasion is not liberation. Under Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia has allowed Eritrea to invade Tigrayan lands. 
  3. War kills both sides, not just the minority group.
  4. War has rules. You cannot rape, kill civilians, and demolish religious sites, universities or factories.
  5. Justice does not equal vengeance.
  6. Having an election should always be encouraged. It should never be a crime, especially when the constitution allows for it. 
  7. The EPRDF is not the TPLF. Four coalition parties led the country under the EPRDF.  Oppression under the EPRDF should never be associated with Tigrayans or Tigray. 
  8. Tigray will prevail. History will judge those who are supporting the genocidal war. 

Betty – Omna Tigray External Contributor April 2021

Dear Ethiopian Propagandists

A Heartfelt Letter from a Tigrayan-Irob Woman

“There are too many idiots in this world. And having said it, I have the burden of proving it.”
― Frantz Fanon

Dear Ethiopian Propagandists, 

My name is Weyni. I was born in Tigray, Ethiopia and I am part of a small ethnic minority called Irob (ኢሮብ). When other Ethiopians think of Tigray, the majority only know of Tigrigna speakers, who in their mind happen to be from Axum, Adwa, or Mekelle.  This continued ignorance has always tried my patience.  

Tigray is home to the Irobs, Kunamas and Tigrigna speaking people. Unfortunately, not many Ethiopians, let alone outsiders, know about these different ethnic groups in Tigray. They are all unique culturally, geopolitically, and socio-economically.

If you have never heard of Irob, here are some facts for you. 

  • The Irob people have become a bilingual community with Saho and Tigrigna being spoken by most. The Irobs engage in agriculture and cattle breeding. Their language, Saho, is cushitic, as is the case with Somali, Oromifa, Afar and other languages spoken in the Horn of Africa. Indeed, their language is very close to Afar. However, while Afar follows the Latin script, Saho follows the Ge’ez script. Almost all Irobs feel a special sense of community with Tigrayans.  
  • The Irob people inhabit remote border towns and villages in the Eastern Zone of Tigray. Their land is presently known as Irob woreda which has the city of Adigrat as its capital. Irob people are one of the two indigenous ethnic minorities that inhabit Tigray with a population of only around 41,000, which is less than 1 percent of Tigray’s population.
“Tigray is home to the Irobs, Kunamas and Tigrigna speaking people… They are all unique culturally, geopolitically, and socio-economically.” #IrobMassacre #TigrayGenocide

Dear Ethiopian propagandists – Now that you know some facts about Irob, we can move on to where my anger and frustration comes from. 

Reflecting on my childhood is something I have been doing too often lately. The current genocidal war in Tigray has brought up too many familiar past experiences that I had long managed to store in the furthest parts of my brain. Stored memories I have worked to forget in hopes of better days for the people of Irob and for Ethiopians as a whole. We will go ahead and call those stored memories of my past what they are–childhood trauma.   

The Irob people border Eritrea. As a result, Irob people in Tigray were ravaged and traumatized by the 1998 to 2000 Ethio-Eritrean border war. For two decades, Irob was a military camp and the people have never recovered from the traumas and war crimes they lived through during that time.

“The current genocidal war in Tigray has brought up too many familiar past experiences that I had long managed to store in the furthest parts of my brain.” #IrobMassacre #TigrayGenocide

I get panic attacks when I reflect on the Ethio-Eritrean war. I must have been only 8 or 9 years old when I saw my first dead body and countless wounded people. The Eritrean army (Shabia) was going from house to house, raping women, abducting our families, taking our stocks (cows, goats) and anything and everything we had. 

The day that changed me the most was the day the Eritrean army came to our home. My mother was a young woman. My grandmother pulled her to a dark corner of our house and told her to quickly put on her old raggedy dress. She then quickly took me and my young brother to hide under a bed and told us not to make a sound. I was so terrified because I thought they were going to do the unthinkable to my mother. 

Not so long after that, my younger brother and I left our home for Uganda as  refugees and that was the end of our childhood and innocence. Everything in life became about survival – a very typical story of the Irob youth. 

Even after the Ethio-Eritrean border war that ended in the early 2000s, Irob land remained a “no-peace no-war zone.” As a result, the  socio-economic conditions drastically stagnated, forcing Irob youth like myself to seek opportunities elsewhere. Many of my childhood friends and families embarked on extremely dangerous journeys to reach Europe via the mediterranean sea, Egypt, and Israel, only to end up being the victims of human traffickers in the Sinai desert, where they were tortured, abused and held for ransom. Many Irob diaspora have paid ransoms of up to $60,000 dollars for the safe return of family members trafficked in Sinai to no avail. Their family members ended up horrendously killed and their organs removed to be sold for $20,000 dollars or more on the black market.

“She then quickly took me and my young brother to hide under a bed and told us not to make a sound. I was so terrified because I thought they were going to do the unthinkable to my mother.” #IrobMassacre #TigrayGenocide

Dear Ethiopian propagandists – Somehow, during the current genocidal war on Tigray, you have failed to realize Tigrayans were not immune to the suffering caused by the ramifications of the last decades’ wars and poverty. 

I recently saw a tweet from an Amhara nationalist that read, “Where were the Tigrayans when Ethiopia was suffering?” My simple and only response was:  “We were also suffering with you, you idiot!”

What I would have never in my worst nightmares thought was that Eritrean forces would return 20 years later, to fully occupy Irob land and commit the same atrocities they committed during the Ethio-Eritrea border war. Tigrayans and the people of Irob hadn’t healed from that war before this one started. 

Recently, I was scrolling through social media and saw a list of Irob civilian youth massacred by Eritrean forces during mass killings from late December 2020 to early January 2021, a list gathered and posted by the  Irob Advocacy Association (IAA). The first ten were immediate family members. I couldn’t look any further at the list. Seeing their names, I ended up throwing up a couple of times and crying myself to sleep. 

Currently, Irob land is not only under full Eritrean occupation, it’s also completely closed off – no access to phone service, humanitarian assistance or the ability to move freely or safely. There is not a single day that goes by that I don’t try reaching family members in Irob land, only to have zero luck. If we are lucky once in a while someone will escape to Adigrat to bring news of our families, but the news is never good. 

“Currently, Irob land is not only under full Eritrean occupation, it’s also completely closed off – no access to phone service, humanitarian assistance or the ability to move freely or safely.” #IrobMassacre #TigrayGenocide

Recently, my aunt made it to Adigrat after walking for days on foot. Her husband was killed in a battle during the Ethio-Eritrean war in early 2000s and now the Eritrean forces came back  looking for his family. They only found his son and they killed him in front of my aunt (his mother) on December 21, 2020. My aunt was convinced that the Eritreans came back to get their revenge and finish off what they started during the borderwar. 

“I must be cursed,”  she said while sobbing breathlessly. “Why didn’t they take my life either with my husband or my son? I am already dead inside. No life left in me. Why couldn’t they just take me with my son?”

We both cried on the phone. I promised to call back before she returns to Irob. 

“Each generation must discover its mission, fulfill it or betray it, in relative opacity.”

― Frantz Fanon

Dear Ethiopian propagandists – You have chosen to betray your mission for “a united” nation as you continue to support the genocide in Tigray. There cannot be “unity” with idiocity, genocide, forced integration, and destruction. 

I sincerely had internalized the belief that my generation of Ethiopians would carry on a better legacy. I thought we would learn from the mistakes of the past and collectively build our future. I was wrong. Also naive.  I discovered that we are the generation that was unable to free itself from emotions of the past, mostly passed on to us from the generation before us. For we chose not to grow in the light, we must therefore suffer in the darkness.  

“Dear Ethiopian propagandists – You have chosen to betray your mission for “a united” nation as you continue to support the genocide in Tigray. There cannot be “unity” with idiocity, genocide, forced integration, and destruction.” #IrobMassacre

Dear Ethiopian propagandists – You have chosen to confront other Ethiopians in the battlefield. And for those of us that are not fighting on the ground, you have decided to attack us in the digital world. The online bullets are real. The hate speech, the denial, insensitivity, and ignorance. 

Dear Ethiopian propagandists – Most of you have chosen to live in the past. Your repeated statements of: “Your people did this to my people many years ago…” have fueled the division. You romanticize revenge. You romanticize war. You romanticize central powers who wage wars on their own people for the sake of hegemonic authority. 

Dear Ethoipian propagandists – The damage is real. Our emotions are raw. You have pushed us further away. You have voiced your support for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, one who invited a foreign force to invade our land, massacre our people, and steal our wealth. You have voiced your support for dictator Isaias as he invaded our lands, massacred our people, and stole our wealth.  And we must find ways to heal from this. This will take years, maybe decades. Your fake patriotism has bred more idiocy. You have shown no sympathy for Tigrayan lives, our culture, and our identity. 

“The damage is real. Our emotions are raw. You have pushed us further away. You have voiced your support for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, one who invited a foreign force to invade our land, massacre our people, and steal our wealth.” #IrobMassacre

Dear Ethiopian propogandists – I have met many idiots, but none like the idiots who deny the ongoing genocide in Tigray. The evidence is there. Our suffering is real. Yet, you have chosen to look away. 

Dear Ethiopian propagandists – If I sound like an angry Tigrayan-Irob woman, it’s  because you have given me every reason to be so. 

Sincerely , 

A Justifiably Angry Tigrayan-Irob Woman

Weyni 04/02/2021