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This is the story of my 62-year-old mother who recently made it to Canada after living through 7 months of the genocidal war on Tigray. My mother managed to escape the atrocities being committed by the invading Ethiopian, Eritrean, Amhara, and other foreign forces a few days before the Tigrayan Defense Force (TDF) took control of Tigray’s capital of Mekelle and other Tigrayan cities and towns. In hopes of shedding light on what Irob-Tigrayans, an ethnic minority living in the northeastern Tigray on the Eritrean border, have been going through, I decided to interview my mother and share her story with the world. 

What was it like to be living through the genocidal war for the past 7 months? 

Well, unfortunately, I have lived through three major political upheavals and wars. The most significant ones being that of the 1998-2000 Ethio-Eritrean border war and now the current genocidal war, both of which were orchestrated by Eritrea’s dictator Isaias Afwerki to weaken and undermine the people of Tigray.

Tell me a little bit about the 1998-2000 Ethio-Eritrean war and how it impacted the people of Tigray and particularly, the Irob who are an ethnic minority?

The atrocities committed by the Eritrean army at that time are very similar to the current war tactics of the current genocidal war on Tigray. The Eritrean army used rape as a weapon of war, they looted our properties, they destroyed our infrastructures and massacared civilians. What is happening now, though, is on a much larger scale. 

As we speak, Tigray’s infrastructure has been intentionally dismantled. The invading forces have completely destroyed clinics, hospitals, schools, water systems, electricity lines, telecom and all other infrastructure that had served the Tigrayan population. It’s all gone. It’s all in ruins. Eritrean and Ethiopian forces have intentionally burnt, destroyed and/or looted beyond use  banks, hotels, manufacturing sites, restaurants, and markets.

This is a war against the people of Tigray. It is a war against our very existence. How can you exist without water? For days, we did not have water. Some people were contemplating whether or not they should drink their own pee. 

In one Irob village called Gamada, Eritrean forces killed countless young students and threw their bodies in the river. They then told the parents of those killed not to remove the bodies from the river so that people couldn’t drink the water from the river. There are many stories of bodies being thrown into villages’ only water wells to make the water undrinkable. In cities, the Eritrean forces destroyed water pumps. 

Do you see the cruelty? I was told the bodies stayed in the river and water wells for days. The parents were not allowed to bury their children. All of Tigray was mourning. We would hear cries coming from every household in our neighbourhood. The Eritrean army would mockingly say to the mourning parents, “Hey, we were ordered to kill any Tigrayan above the age of 7. You are lucky we left you with some kids.” 

When family members, neighbours, and friends were killed were you able to mourn with others in the community?

Nobody was able to leave their homes. Everyone stayed home in fear with their doors locked. It was an eerie silence. The whole city was quiet, for weeks, it felt like ghosts had taken over the town. It was all traumatizing. Days turned into weeks, weeks turned into months. We felt suffocated, prisoners in our own homes.

We prayed for someone to rescue us. We prayed. If we heard a vehicle drive by, we knew it was them. We would start shaking, unable to breath. If the Eritrean army were to come to your home, it’s either to kill, rape or loot every little household items you had. No questions were asked. They did whatever they wanted. We locked ourselves in the house for days, weeks, months and no one came to rescue us. 

The bombing, the sound of bullets, airstrikes, it all started to become a normal part of our day. Nights always felt longer. Fear was looming everywhere. Our eyes were glued to the door. Expecting only the worst, always cautious, extremely alert. They could come to your house at any point. 

The first day you arrived in Canada, when I asked you about the Eritrean forces, you couldn’t talk, you were shaking. Then you said, they are morally corrupt, spiritually deprived, soulless, hungry creatures. Has your description of them changed at all since then? 

No! The only thing I would add is, when the Eritrean militias first arrived, they looked like a poisonous vegetable (ሃሚሊ). When you dare to look at them, they looked physically weak, starved, deprived and dangerous. I am not sure what dictator Isaias has done to them, but I think all the pain they have inflicted on us was inflicted upon them. They seem deprived and soulless. It’s almost like all humanity was extracted from them. Because of how weak they were, even I could have tripped a bunch of them at once, but they had guns and came in numbers. It was only after a few days of devouring stolen food from our towns and all over Tigray that the army started to regain their strength and human resemblance, while maintaining their monster behaviour. It’s the only thing they know how to be. Monsters. I only speak of the Eritrean Army because I was in the far North, so I did not experience the Ethiopian, Amhara or the Somali forces who were also destroying Tigray. 

You have told me about your nightmares since you came back. Are those nightmares getting any better? 

Well, my daughter, it is simple. The people of Tigray have been in collective trauma for the past 9 months and counting. The main goal of the invaders is to kill us or leave us with the most painful physiological scar. Nothing else can be said about that. 

“Is the pen mightier than the sword?” A question asked by youth in Tigray. 

More than 9 months into the genocidal war on Tigray, I am unable to silence the voices in my head. It took me quite some time to understand what has been happening. Even after hearing the stories, I couldn’t really grasp the magnitude. Everyone across Tigray has gone through some sort of trauma. Some consider their experiences a luxury compared to others. For these survivors, being alive is more than enough compared to what could have been or what happened to others. However, that does not mean they are not in pain. So, I write to bring to light personal pain felt by Tigrayans, to tell the stories of my close family and friends.

We often talk about the statistics pertaining to the war on Tigray, but the statistics are our loved ones, and each of them has a story. Below are a selection of their stories — stories of those I was able to reach despite sporadic network connection in Tigray the past 9 months. 

The 25-year-old Relative

My 25-year-old relative was preparing to start his masters in Tigray when the war started in November 2020. When I asked him how he was doing over the phone, hoping for an elaborate response, he offered a sarcastic and sad one. He said, “Alena. Nabey kinkedelom eyom delyom? Adina eyu.” “We are here. Where do they want us to go? This is our home.”

He described how his community had hid underground when the Ethiopian forces shelled Mekelle in November 2020. He recounted how a friend of ours, an 80-year-old man, prepared for his death every night, changing into his suit thinking they would shell his home in his sleep. “He welcomed death and tried to make it celebratory.”

He then told me about a man that was killed in Axum. “A man I grew up with was killed in Axum. He was in Mekelle just a week ago. I had told him to stay here. He went to see his family and now they told me the Eritrean troops killed him.” 

He added, “How can I think about school when all this is happening, the stories that come out of the villages are heart wrenching. My options are limited, either I join the struggle or find a way to help those in need. That is if my life is spared in the process.”

He ended the call reminding me that nothing will ever be the same.

The 34-year-old Relative

Prior to the war, he was an assistant professor at a university in Tigray.

“It was one of those dark days in Adwa, the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) urged the residents of Adwa to ‘resume their lives.’ Many had not come out of their house for weeks in fear and in protest of the invasion by the Eritrean and Ethiopian forces. I went out, just outside of our house, by the door, to check if all was really back to normal. Upon stepping outside, the Eritrean troops told me to come with them. I did. Hoping and praying they would let me go, I thought back to stories I had heard that they sometimes would just beat you up, scare you to soothe their egos, and let you go back home. I hoped that would be my fate. 

They rounded up almost 200 of us, weakened, unable to walk from the beatings they had subjected us to. Then they took some of us to an area called Shewit and beat us more. They used all tools available to inflict pain and terror. They insulted us, our manhood, our mothers, and our home — Tigray. They use the term ‘Agame’ to dehumanize us, but for us, Agame is a region in Tigray, and nothing about it is negative. After they were done with the physical and mental torture, they told us to line up and kneel. We did. I wondered if this was the end. ‘Did I spend my entire life dedicated to the pen only for it to end because of this senseless war?’ I felt defenseless. ‘Were my priorities in life wrong?’ Unable to protect myself from those who had invaded my home, I felt defeated. I am pretty sure all those around me felt the same way. They had already shot one man, as we were lining up. 

As fate would have it, an ENDF division happened to come through Shewit and stopped the Eritrean troops from killing everyone else. We could not believe that our lives had been saved by an army that was known to have killed civilians in other parts of Tigray. The irony. All this to say, I am alive.”

The Mother of Three 

Before Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed waged war on Tigray in November 2020, a relative of mine, a mother of three, went to Adwa on vacation with her three children.

She recalled that when the war began, “Eritrean soldiers came into our house, dragging everyone out. I went out with my three children. Everyone who lived in our compound was forced to leave the house barefoot at gunpoint. The women carried their children on their backs. 

An entire Kebele (neighborhood) was marching at gunpoint to their death. My mother-in-law called out to her son, my husband, who was in Addis Ababa at the time. She said, ‘Nay Beybeyney keyakleni dekika Hizeyom kimeut’, ‘It’s not enough that I die, I am taking your children with me.’”

They begged the soldiers to let them go, to spare the lives of their little children. As they asked the Eritrean soldiers to spare the lives of their children, an ENDF division passing through from Axum came to their rescue. They stopped the Eritrean soldiers from massacring an entire Kebele.  She added, “We had heard that ENDF soldiers were shooting Tigrayan youth just a few days back. Why they spared us is a question I ask myself to this day.

The Doctor

I asked him what he remembered, and what he felt during this period. “I am a doctor, but that meant nothing in Axum, we could not save lives that could have been saved.”

In describing his experience he said,  “I vividly recall this older lady with no lower jaw. It took me staring at her for a good 15 minutes or so to realize I wasn’t imaging it. Adey, as I would like to remember her, walked all the way from Selekleka alone after her home town was shelled.  She was injured from the heavy artillery shelling. It tore away her lower jaw. When I first saw her I couldn’t comprehend how she was still alive, her tongue, her tonsils were all exposed. She could only mumble words. We inserted a tube through her nose into her stomach to feed her and keep her alive, but we were watching her die a slow death. Her will to live dwindled. After 2 to 3 weeks in the hospital she gave up. I was called because she refused to eat the food she was provided. I tried to convince her to fight, but deep down I knew there was nothing more we could do for her. We had no options. Roads were closed so we couldn’t send her to Ayder for a corrective surgery. Adey chose to leave the food to those who would need it to survive. After 3 days on a hunger strike, she joined the many Tigrayans taken by this senseless war. May her soul rest in peace.” 

This story broke my heart. After pondering on what I had just heard, the doctor and I both wondered if it would have been better to learn how to shoot instead of how to heal. A question I find myself asking all the time. How could one think of healing when the world is surrounded by monsters of all sizes? What is microbiology when men and women our size could not be persuaded to stop inflicting pain on one another? What are antibiotics when you can’t protect your family from gunmen? 

In this instance the pen might not be mightier than the sword, but the pen will serve our futures.

These are just the stories of relatives I was able to reach during the last 9 months. This is just the tip of the iceberg. There are many more untold stories that will make us question our faith in humanity. But they must be told. It’s the only way to heal. It’s the only way to protect our people from repeating similar mistakes in the future. It’s the only way to survive. Until then, I will continue to expose the pain and trauma brought up on Tigrayans during the genocidal war on Tigray.

The situation in Tigray is developing into one of the most catastrophic humanitarian disasters in modern history and requires immediate action from the international community. The Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed, and Eritrean dictator Isaias waged war on the Ethiopian region of Tigray on November 4, 2020, following two years of less obvious attempts by Abiy, who came into power in 2018, to cripple Tigray. These included allowing road blockades, budget reduction, blocked tourism and investment, and hindering the fight against locust infestation. Since November 2020, several extreme crippling tactics have been employed to systematically destroy the Tigrayan region and its people, and war crimes that violate Article 8 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions have been committed by Eritrean and Ethiopian forces.

There are hence multiple different threats facing the Tigrayan population. Citizens are experiencing population displacement, starvation, lack of essential goods and services, and healthcare emergencies—while also having been affected by the loss of livelihoods, damaged or looted properties, crippled infrastructure, and collapsed markets. There are also numerous reports of sexual and gender-based violence (SGVB) and mass killings. The Ethiopian government is carrying out this systematic destruction of the Tigray region and its people, some aspects of which undoubtedly constitute war crimes, while  openly denying the severity of the humanitarian crisis and restricting global aid.

This article outlines the most devastating factors facing Tigrayans as of July 2021.The international community must take drastic action without further delay. 

Population Displacement 

More than 2 million children and adults are experiencing internal displacement due to the conflict. Though the actual number is likely higher, over 63,000 people, including more than 18,000 children, have fled to Sudan since the genocidal war began. In addition, thousands of children fleeing the conflict have been separated from their parents or lost their parents due to the violence; these children are at high risk of physical and sexual violence. One refugee, Atsede, in May 2021 told Save the Children: “Two of my children are with my husband but I don’t know where they are. […] Some people tell me they are in Sudan and some have told me my husband was killed with my two girls.” Compounded by heavy flooding and wind that has destroyed many temporary structures, most refugees still lack access to basic needs, such as shelter, water, and food.

Lack of Essential Goods and Services

Tigray residents lack adequate access to food, fuel, water, and medicines, and many are dying due to a lack of essential services. Hospitals and factories have been targeted and destroyed along with core institutions such as schools. The Ethiopian government continues to block humanitarian access to Tigray, preventing the UN and other aid agencies from moving personnel and goods into Tigray. The region has consistently been under a complete blackout enacted by the Ethiopian government, which has left people without access to power, phone, internet, banks, and running water. This makes it even more difficult for humanitarian aid organizations to provide help. Over 2 million children remain cut off from necessary emergency humanitarian assistance. Most recently, the Ethiopian government has suspended the work of humanitarian organizations, including Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF).

Hunger and Malnutrition

There are ongoing deliberate efforts to starve the people of Tigray, which have already led to famine and severe malnutrition. Over 900,000 people are already affected by famine, over 4.5 million Tigrayans at risk of starvation, and the UN Security Council estimates 33,000 children are severely malnourished and at high risk of death. Methods employed by invading armed forces to deliberately starve people include burning crops, looting food supplies, and stealing and slaughtering livestock. In addition to this, an anti-farming camp is in full effect, as invading forces have blocked vehicles transporting seeds from entering the region. This is occurring in the context of an already challenging food security landscape due to the 2020 locust infestation. The National Disaster Risk Management Commission (NDMRC) has warned that Ethiopia will experience less than normal rainfall, potentially worsening water shortages and consequently food availability. 

“Efforts to prevent the entry of seeds and efforts to stop farming have no other message than perhaps, “Let the people of Tigray perish with starvation,’” Abebe Gebrehiwot, deputy head of Tigray’s former interim government,  stated prior to the restoration of the elected Tigrayan government. “We are hearing of starvation-related deaths already,” stated UN humanitarian chief Mark Lowcock, “People need to wake up.” Further, the UN has reported these conditions have forced women in Tigray to trade sex for food.

As of April 2021, the World Peace Foundation (WPF) estimated that between 50 and 100 starvation-caused deaths were occurring a day in central and eastern Tigray alone.​​

Healthcare Emergencies

MSF reported that by February 2021, over 80 percent of hospitals in Tigray had become defunct due to being looted, bombed, or losing medical staff. In June 2021, Joseph Belliveau, MSF Canada Executive Director described hospitals with “medicines and needles dumped on the ground, examination beds flipped over, patient records pulled off their shelves, windows broken and ambulances burned or stolen.” MSF also reported that this destruction of the healthcare system has left millions of people without lifesaving medication who are either dying at home or traveling for days on foot to reach Mekelle, where there is a functioning hospital. 

Patients with chronic diseases such as diabetes and HIV are going without lifesaving drugs.Most survivors of sexual violence, many of whom have contracted sexually transmitted infections (STIs), are unable to receive proper medical and psychological care. Many children have not received appropriate vaccinations due to the crippled healthcare system, raising the risk of future outbreaks of infectious diseases. Lastly, the World Health Organization (WHO) has warned that communicable and vaccine-preventable diseases can quickly spread in Tigray due to a lack of food, clean water, safe shelter, and healthcare access. WHO spokesperson Tarik Jasarevic stated in June 2021 that “All these factors combine – are literally a recipe – for larger epidemics.”

War Crimes 

War crimes observed during the conflict include mass murder, looting, and sexual violence against Tigrayan women and young girls. Mulugeta Gebrehiwot, founder of the Institute for Peace and Security Studies, has described the killings of Tigrayans by the Ethiopian and Eritrean forces as “literally genocide by decree.” SGBV committed by Eritrean and Ethiopian troops has been described as a weapon of war. UN humanitarian chief Mark Lowcock stated in April 2021 that “there is no doubt that sexual violence is being used in this conflict as a weapon of war, as a means to humiliate, terrorize, and traumatize an entire population today and into the next generation.” There is a surge in demand for emergency contraception and testing for STIs, as many women have contracted STIs, including HIV. Aid workers have witnessed ​​soldiers carrying out extrajudicial killings. At least 11 humanitarian aid workers have been killed since the beginning of the conflict.

Destruction of Cultural and Religious Sites 

Religious sites are an integral part of Tigrayan culture and history, and with the intention to destroy the Tigrayan identity, Eritrean and Ethiopian forces have decimated ancient churches and mosques. Significant religious and historical manuscripts and artifacts that carry the legacy of Tigrayan culture have been looted, with academics at Hamburg University warning that these “will be taken out of Ethiopia to be sold at antiquities markets in other countries.” The expropriation of sacred materials and the violent attacks on heritage sites are intentional attempts to psychologically demoralize and humiliate the people of Tigray, and can be described as  cultural genocide.

All the acts of brutalization aforementioned have occurred despite the Ethiopian government’s continuous denial of the extent of the genocidal war in Tigray. Further, the Ethiopian government fails to act on agreements with the international community and blocks humanitarian aid to the region.

In an interview with the BBC in June 2021, Abiy stated “There is no hunger in Tigray,” while the UN and other aid agencies had already confirmed the dire man-made famine in Tigray. In March 2021, the Ethiopian government finally admitted to the presence of Eritrean troops in Tigray after months of denial. .However, Eritrean troops remain in the region four months later despite Ethiopia and Eritrea agreeing to withdraw them.

Meanwhile the UN reports that movements in and out of the region remain restricted, impacting humanitarians’ capacity to sustain aid operations. The Ethiopian government however has stated that there is unfettered access for aid to be delivered to Tigray, and in July 2021, continues to deny blocking it. “The allegation that we are trying to suffocate the Tigrayan people by denying humanitarian access and using hunger as a weapon of war is beyond the pale,” Demeke Mekonnen, Deputy Prime Minister of Ethiopia and Minister for Foreign Affairs, declared in June 2021.

On June 28, 2021, the situation shifted as the Tigray Defence Forces (TDF) regained control of Tigray’s capital city, Mekelle. Elation among Tigrayans locally and globally, however, rapidly gave way to the realisation that the crisis is far from over. Since then, the TDF has recaptured most Tigrayan cities and towns, but millions remain at risk of famine. The region remains in a telecommunication blackout, access to essential services, such as banks, are limited, and efforts to prevent farming continue. The healthcare system remains barely functional, and efforts to restore humanitarian access, which remains blocked and restricted, must intensify without delay. The international community must acknowledge the severity of the current situation and that the consequences of this genocide will impact generations to come. 

Finally, the war crimes committed against Tigrayans must be acknowledged by the rest of the world and investigated by global institutions, including the United Nations Human Rights Council. The official request for a unilateral ceasefire by the Ethiopian government, even if it holds, does not reduce the desperate need for immediate global action to mediate the catastrophic and ongoing impact of this genocide. 

Like many parts of Africa, Tigray is far from a religious monolith. Despite the historical identification of Ethiopia with Orthodox Christianity, the presence of Islam in Ethiopia is as old as the religion itself. The most recent Ethiopian census, collected in 2007, estimates that Muslims make up 34% of the rapidly growing national population. Although the percentage of Muslims in Tigray is only 5 to 10%, it has historically been Islam’s doorway to the region and to Africa at large.

Islam first arrived in the northern Ethiopian region of Tigray in 615 A.D. This occured w hen the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and his followers were unwelcome in their homeland around Mecca, so the Prophet advised his followers to migrate across the Red Sea to the Axumite Empire (present-day Tigray and Eritrea), where a “righteous Christian king,” Nejashi, would offer much needed protection. In Islamic history, this event is known as the First Hijrah, or first migration.

In this history, it is said that the Sahaba and Nejashi developed a profound relationship based on mutual religious acceptance. When the King asked the Prophet Muhammad’s cousin, Ja’far, for any revelation that the prophet had from God, he recited a verse in the Quran relating to Mary and the story of Jesus. After hearing this verse, King Nejashi vowed that Muslims would be able to seek refuge in Axum for as long as needed and with the freedom to practice their faith peacefully. When the rulers of Mecca attempted to bribe King Nejashi with lavish gifts and delegates in exchange for the expulsion and return of the Muslims, the King once more declared that, “even if you have given a mountain of gold, I would not give up these people who have taken asylum with me.”

The King’s commitment to protecting the Muslims in a time when the powerful groups of Arabia were determined to continue campaigns of oppression against them earned him distinction and respect among the Muslims of his time. Upon Nejashi’s death, the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and the Sahaba collectively mourned his death. It is widely acknowledged that Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) led his followers in a janazah (funeral) prayer in Mecca, despite this typically being reserved for Muslims and rarely occurring in the absence of the deceased.

The respect and distinction extended to Nejashi in Islam is also extended to the land he ruled over, the Axumite Kingdom , as it was the site of the first recorded example of peaceful religious co-existence in Muslim history. To this day, the region is regarded as a symbol of peace and reverence in Islamic history. Because of ancient Axumites’ unique religious tolerance, Tigray is home to one of the first mosques in the world, amply named Al-Nejashi Mosque, holding revered significance to the people of East Africa and Muslims across the globe. 

Tragically, within the first two months of the war on Tigray, the historic mosque was struck by heavy artillery and later looted by Ethiopian and Eritrean troops, shattering long-held norms protecting religious sites in times of war. The military attack left the mosque’s dome and minaret, as well as the tombs of 15 companions of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) damaged. Several historical artifacts are believed to have been stolen, including 13^th century manuscripts, as well as books and letters dating as far back as the 7^th century. Eighty Tigrayans, of Muslim and Christian faith, were killed while protecting the sacred site from invading forces. The atrocities currently being committed against the people of Tigray, as well as the campaigns to destroy heritage sites and places of worship (that are dear to all Ethiopian Muslims) are hallmarks of genocide.

After this unprecedented attack on the mosque, Hajj Siraj Mohammed, the manager of Al Nejashi Mosque commented that, “Not only us, but Muslims all over the world are shocked that this happened.” Throughout time and history, Muslim and Christian Tigrayans have lived together, celebrating a shared Axumite history representing peace, refuge, and religious tolerance.

It is time that we recognize the extent of the damage of the genocidal war in Tigray. Far more than just physical destruction, it has destroyed a vital symbol of both Tigrayan and Islamic history, with complete disregard for the traditions and heritage of Muslims in Tigray.

At this stage, urgent action is needed. The international community must demand an immediate end to all hostilities, including the withdrawal of any remaining invading forces in Tigray, to ensure the safety of all sacred sites, places of worship, and integrity of our shared history. A ceasefire is not enough to repair the damage caused by a genocidal war; these are merely first steps. We must continue to advocate for lasting peace and justice, beginning with:

• The immediate cessation of all hostilities and attacks;
• The immediate, verifiable withdrawal of not only federal Ethiopian and Eritrean forces, but also all other invading forces from pre-war Tigray territories;
• The return of stolen sacred artifacts;
• Official recognition of the genocide committed against Tigrayans by Ethiopian, Eritrean and Amhara forces;
• UN-led, independent and impartial investigations on all crimes and atrocities committed against Tigrayans in the region and across the country;
• Unfettered access of humanitarian aid into all areas of Tigray; and
• An all-inclusive national dialogue with all stakeholders across Ethiopia, including the democratically elected Tigrayan government. 

In May 2014, Djibouti’s President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh declared, “We believe that Ethiopia is Djibouti, and Djibouti is Ethiopia – no difference at all.” Today, this statement rings true in the most horrific sense. There is no difference in the two nations’ involvement in severe human rights violations against Tigrayans during the genocidal war on Tigray declared on November 4, 2020. 

Djibouti, a longtime ally of Ethiopia, has endorsed the current genocide in Tigray. The Djiboutian government has failed to condemn the Ethiopian government for the atrocities against the Tigrayan people, and they have even praised Abiy Ahmed for his horrific actions.

Beyond the public support of the Ethiopian government’s genocidal war, Djibouti is returning Tigrayan refugees and asylum seekers to Ethiopia, knowing that Tigrayans face persecution, ethnic cleansing, and death if they were to return to the country. By deciding to breach international law in this regard, Djibouti is a willful participant in genocide.

The relationship between Djibouti and Ethiopia is one of economic and political codependence. In 1993, after Eritrea seceded from Ethiopia, Ethiopia became a landlocked country without access to the Red Sea. The Ethiopia-Eritrea Border War in 1998 further exacerbated tensions between the two nations and left Ethiopia without access to ports for trading. As a result, Ethiopia has had no choice but to rely on Djibouti’s ports for imports and exports in the past two decades. Ethiopia imports 95 percent of its goods from Djibouti and spends around $2 billion per year on port services. However, the relationship is not one-sided. Djibouti is heavily reliant on Ethiopia for freshwater, electricity, and agricultural goods.   Ethiopia has contributed significantly to Djibouti’s economic growth. Around 90 percent of activity at Djibouti’s ports is due to Ethiopian import or export trade. As a result, any crisis in Ethiopia greatly affects Djibouti politically and economically. Djibouti’s reliance on Ethiopia has forced Djibouti to maintain a friendly relationship with Ethiopia even if that means bending their moral compass and ignoring international human rights law.

History of Djibouti’s Mistreatment of Ethiopian Refugees

Refugees are protected in Article 33 of the 1951 Geneva Refugee Conventions and the 1967 protocol. Djibouti succeeded to both the Convention and Protocol and also signed the 1969 OAU Convention governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa which also protects refugees from being forced to return to their country of origin. Not only is Djibouti obliged to protect registered refugees, but Djibouti also agreed to the policy of non-refoulement which is the fundamental principle that prevents countries from returning asylum seekers back to a country were they are likely to face persecution, torture, or harm. 

Despite their legal obligations to refugees, the Djiboutian government has a history of returning asylum seekers and refugees from Ethiopia fleeing the tyrannical rule of their government. The involuntary repatriation that Djibouti practices today started in the late 1970s and early 1980s when many Ethiopians left their country in response to the repressive Derg military regime and the Ogaden conflict (Ethio-Somali war). During this time, there were 40,000 Ethiopian refugees in Djibouti, a country struggling economically  post-independence from the French in 1977. Ethiopia, desperate to hide the atrocious human rights violations committed by the Derg regime and determined to maintain good standing with the international community, wanted the refugees to return to the country to cover up their crimes. This led Ethiopia and Djibouti to form agreements and led to Djibouti turning a blind eye to gross human rights violations in Ethiopia. 

In 1980, Ethiopia and Djibouti signed Proclamation 183, ‘The Repatriation of Ethiopian Refugees in the Republic of Djibouti,’ while also convening with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to form the Tripartite Commission to examine a voluntary repatriation programme. These agreements were nothing but a cover that allowed the Djiboutian government to arrest, detain, intimidate, and forcibly repatriate both asylum seekers and refugees back to Ethiopia, despite the Djiboutian government being fully aware of the horror and imprisonment these individuals would face when they reentered the country. 

The UNHCR, an organization meant to supervise voluntary repatriation and protect the rights of refugees, not only stood by and allowed the Djiboutian and Ethiopian governments to commit these crimes, but it also made deals with the Djiboutian government. As the Djiboutian government was deporting asylum seekers and refugees, the UNHCR pleaded with the Djiboutian government to be consulted when they expelled individuals to prevent the removal of registered refugees from Djibouti. The Djiboutian government conceded to this proposition only if the UNHCR agreed to help with the removal of asylum seekers and refugees from Djibouti city to two refugee camps in Ali Sabieh and Dikh, cities a few kilometers north of the Ethiopian border. As a result, the UNHCR forced asylum seekers and refugees to go to these camps by telling them that food rations would no longer be distributed in the city. In these camps, the asylum seekers were deported back to Ethiopia before their asylum applications were processed, and sometimes registered refugees were deported as well. Additionally, over many Tripartite Commissions, the UNHCR allowed the Djiboutian government to launch disinformation campaigns informing asylum seekers and refugees that there would no longer be food in the camps to force them back to Ethiopia. They also watched asylum seekers and refugees who did not want to voluntarily leave the country be arrested, harassed, and eventually forced back to Ethiopia.

These practices during the 1980s have been repeated and were most recently observed in 2016 when Djiboutian police detained hundreds of Oromo and Amhara asylum seekers and refugees to return them back to Ethiopia. These deportations corresponded to a time of unrest in Oromo and Amhara regions of Ethiopia. These historical trends in how Djibouti has treated Ethiopian asylum seekers and refugees demonstrate Djibouti’s disregard for international law and its interest in pleasing the Ethiopian government to maintain its vital economic and political relationship at any cost. 

Djibouti’s Mistreatment of Tigrayan Refugees during the War on Tigray

Djibouti’s disregard for international law and interest in maintaining its political and economic relationship with the Ethiopian government has been most recently observed during the ongoing genocidal war on the Tigray region of Ethiopia. On November 4, 2020, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed launched this genocidal war, in which Ethiopian forces, Eritrean forces, and Amhara regional militias have committed heinous war crimes to eliminate all Tigrayans. For eight months, the Ethiopian government has starved over 5.2 million Tigrayans, of which 900,000 are currently in famine conditions, allowed the use of sexual and gender-based violence as a weapon of war, indiscriminately killed Tigrayan civilians, used chemical weapons and airstrikes on civilians, restricted foreign aid, launched communication blackouts, and internally displaced over 2 million Tigrayans. The situation in Tigray is horrific. 

The genocidal war has also led to 70,000 Tigrayans having to flee to neighboring Sudan. Tigrayans have not only fled to Sudan to seek asylum, but they have also sought refuge in Djibouti. However, unlike Sudan, Djibouti has forcibly returned Tigrayan asylum seekers and refugees to Ethiopia, a country that has been globally condemned for their ethnic cleansing campaign and acts falling within the definition of genocide in Tigray. 

Refoulement of Tigrayan refugees and asylum seekers was first reported during the initial days of the genocide. Over 600 Ethiopian trucks were abandoned in Djibouti in December 2020, with 80 percent of the truck drivers being from Tigray. The truck drivers were part of Trans Ethiopia, a cargo transportation service that is a subsidiary of the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT). EFFORT was administered by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), a party which Abiy declared war on and labeled as a terrorist organization. 

Since the launch of the war and even before the war began, the Ethiopian government purposely targeted Tigrayan civilians and Tigrayan businesses to weaken the region. In the early days of the war, Ethiopian authorities froze bank accounts of EFFORT companies, such as Trans Ethiopia, which they claimed was participating in ethnic-based violence fueled by the TPLF. Such claims were completely fabricated by the Ethiopian government and were part of the government’s techniques to economically weaken Tigray, in addition to completely cutting funding to the region. 

The truck drivers of Trans Ethiopia, who were majority Tigrayan, worked in Djibouti and transported goods between the two countries. When the Tigrayan truck drivers refused to return to Ethiopia due to the ongoing genocide, the Djiboutian authorities refused to allow the Tigrayans to apply for asylum and forced them into a military camp. The Djiboutian government, acting at the behest of the Ethiopian government, wanted to return the trucks as well as the truck drivers back to Ethiopia. The truck drivers were threatened with deportation if they did not return the trucks. However, these trucks were the property of the Tigrayan government and the Tigrayan people, not the Ethiopian government. The harassment, intimidation, and refoulement of these truck drivers completely violate the Geneva and OAU Conventions. The Ethiopian government also has no right to claim this property. 

It has been confirmed by the Red Cross that 165 truck drivers were able to receive asylum and were transferred to Hol Hol refugee camp. In addition, 179 trucks were returned back to Ethiopia. It is unclear what process or negotiations occurred between the Tigrayan truck drivers, the Djiboutian government, the Ethiopian government, and the UNHCR for the trucks to be returned and for the Tigrayans to be granted asylum.  

News of Tigrayan refugees in Djibouti has not been covered widely by the media, and their status and treatment is still largely unknown. It is also unclear how many drivers were forced to return to Ethiopia and what has happened to the drivers since December 2020.

The Djiboutian government again violated international law in May 2021 when three individuals, Habtom Gebreselassie Wolyu, Mesele Tamene Eshetu, and Mohammed Berihu were returned to Ethiopia from Djibouti after being arrested by the Djiboutian authorities. All three refugees were of Tigrayan origin, and two of the three men were officially registered and recognized as UNHCR refugees. The arrests of these men also corresponded to Abiy Ahmed’s official visit to Djibouti. 

Media reports from Ethiopia, Somalia, and other African news sites in the Horn of Africa have called these men TPLF agents and accused them of plotting attacks against the Ethiopian government to justify their illegal return to Ethiopia. With the Ethiopian government having declared the TPLF as a terrorist organization in May 2021, it became easy to classify these men as terrorists and cover-up the Ethiopian and Djiboutian governments’ disregard for international law on refugee protection.

Habtom Gebreselassie was a driver at the Ethiopian embassy in Djibouti and Mohammed Berihu is a retired senior diplomat who was in Djibouti to set up investment offices. In addition, news organizations referred to Mohammed Berihu as a colonel when he had no connection to the military or TPLF at the time. Djibouti, Ethiopia, and the African media changed the narrative and falsified the identity of these men to hide their actions. These men were returned to Addis Ababa to be tried and are currently held in prison. Their trials have already been postponed several times, and will not be fair nor legal.

Djibouti is well aware of the human rights violations currently occurring in Tigray and against Tigrayans across Ethiopia. Djibouti officials realize that all the asylum seekers and refugees forcibly returned to Ethiopia are bound to go to prison, be persecuted, tortured, or killed. The UNHCR is also aware of the situation, but like in previous conflicts, they remain idle. The UNHCR has stated that they approached Djiboutian police, yet they did not take meaningful action to protect the truck drivers or the three men when they were being returned to Ethiopia, a country that the UNHCR has previously stated has committed “serious violations of international law.” The UNHCR is equally guilty for allowing such gross violations of international law and failing in their own mission to safeguard and protect asylum seekers and refugees.

Turning a Blind Eye to International Laws and Human Rights Violations in Ethiopia

Djibouti is playing a geopolitical game at the expense of human lives and international law, all in hopes of maintaining its economic and political relationship with the Ethiopian government. Even amid international condemnation of Abiy’s genocidal war on Tigray, Djibouti has gone as far as publicly supporting the war in recent months. 

In June 2021, Djibouti agreed to scale up its military cooperation with Ethiopia, going so far as  awarding the country’s top military honor to General Berhanu Jula, Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) and one of the war criminals responsible for the Tigray Genocide. General Berhanu Jula was a former Derg soldier during Mengistu Hailemariam’s dictatorship, and has returned to killing and terrorizing civilians who oppose repressive regimes. The honor was given for General Berhanu Jula’s “effective military leadership in the law enforcement operation in Tigray that concluded on November 28.” Rewarding General Jula with full understanding that the ENDF he commands targets Tigrayan civilians in airstrikes and chemical attacks, horrifically raping Tigrayan women and girls, and indiscriminately killing civilians. 

Economically, Djibouti has always been dependent on Ethiopia, but currently Djibouti is in a very vulnerable position and is desperate to secure economic relations with Ethiopia, even if that means standing beside Ethiopia during its genocide campaign. Djibouti’s Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh has confirmed this when stating, “The speed of Djibouti’s economic recovery from a contraction last year hinges on how soon conflict ends in neighboring Ethiopia.” Last year, Djibouti’s economy shrank 1 percent, but has the potential to expand to 5 percent this year. However, this expansion greatly depends on Djibouti’s relationship with Ethiopia and, particularly, if the ports that Ethiopia depends on are upgraded and continuously invested in. 

The Djiboutian government representatives have been meeting with Ethiopian leaders, such as President Sahle-Worke and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, since the beginning of the genocide. On June 17, Djibouti and Ethiopia launched the Ground Breaking Ceremony for Construction of the Modjo Dry Port expansion, which has the potential to increase the capacity of the Ethiopia-Djibouti trade corridor. During this war on Tigray, the two countries continue to make economic deals to strengthen their relationship when Djibouti should be condemning the actions of Ethiopia. 

The current genocide in Tigray has shown the world where certain African countries, especially those in the Horn of Africa, stand regarding human rights violations. Djibouti’s support of Abiy, the war on Tigray, and the active participation of denying Tigrayans their right to asylum and guaranteeing their abuse and death in Ethiopia have shown the world that Djibouti has chosen to stand with genocide.

On June 28, 2021, eight months after a siege by the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) and Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF), Mekelle, the capital of Tigray, and other Tigrayan cities were liberated by the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF). The TDF has led the popular resistance against the indiscriminate aggression of conspiring forces comprising Ethiopian, Eritrean, and Amhara forces during the genocidal war on Tigray.

The last eight months have been nothing short of a nightmare for Tigrayans living under the brutal hands of invading actors who have inflicted savage war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide against them. For the first time since the genocidal war began in November 2020, Tigrayans in Tigray and abroad breathed a sigh of relief after hearing the news of liberated cities and towns in Tigray. With TDF in power, Tigrayans living in Tigray can finally take a break from medieval style dehumanizing atrocities imposed on them by the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments.

With a sense of protection with TDF in power, there are now questions about what could unfold in the coming weeks and months, as Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed continues to block Tigray from the rest of the world and reports of military build up around Tigray commence once again. There are currently over 5 million Tigrayans at risk of starvation, in what has been referred to as a man-made famine. Since the start of the genocidal war, the international community has been pleading for unfettered access into and throughout Tigray so that aid agencies can respond to the humanitarian crisis in a timely manner.

The shift in military dynamics has brought about a shift in military and political tactics by the Abiy Administration, as well as renewed challenges for alleviating the humanitarian crisis. According to the Ethiopian government, the withdrawal from Tigray was to allow farmers to cultivate their farms and alleviate the humanitarian crisis, but the exact opposite has occurred: Abiy is isolating and suffocating the region. He has once again turned to blackouts: there is currently no electricity, access to clean water, access to telecommunication lines, or access to bank services in the majority of Tigray.

This change in strategy was clear from the moment the ENDF was forced to retreat. While exiting, to leave no stone unturned in paralyzing the government of Tigray and starving the people of Tigray, the fleeing forces looted banks, office equipment, and other materials they deemed essential for survival of Tigrayans. Even the United Nations and other aid agencies weren’t spared from the looting and last minute destruction.

To exacerbate the man-made famine, Amhara forces with the support of the ENDF have destroyed the Tekeze river bridge, a lifeline for many Tigrayans. Given that the main World Food Programme (WFP) warehouse is located in Gondar, a city in the Amhara region, the Tekeze river bridge served as the only route to reach Tigray in recent months. 

All of these coordinated actions indicate that Abiy has no intention of seeking a peaceful solution to the genocidal war he masterminded with Eritrea’s dictator Isaias Afewerki. In fact, Abiy’s forces did not retreat from Mekelle and other Tigrayan towns and cities for the sake of peace, they were forced to escape because they were defeated. Abiy is now trying to buy time to reorganize himself and continue his offensive against the people of Tigray. Meanwhile, he is using all methods to weaken the Tigrayan population, including a man-made famine.

The Amhara regional leaders and Eritrean high officials are also delivering conflicting statements with regards to recent developments in fear of reprisals from the TDF. These governments realize the brutal war crimes they have committed against innocent civilians and their livelihoods, and thus expect the TDF to respond. Hence, the destruction of the bridge at Tekeze river could have had two purposes: cutting supply lines to Tigray and also hindering Tigrayan forces from entering Western Tigray and continuing further to the Amhara region. 

The strategic approaches of the warring parties aside, the lives of millions of civilians are at stake, requiring immediate and decisive measures allowing the humanitarian agencies to act swiftly in addressing needs. Therefore, it’s more than necessary for the international community to work with the rightfully elected Tigrayan government to quickly address the situation unfolding in Tigray. One must not be fooled by Abiy’s and the Ethiopian government’s manipulation, propaganda, and lies, which have been plentiful from the start of the genocidal war on Tigray. 

The international community must quickly resolve the crisis at hand, working through various scenarios to respond in a timely and humane manner to a man-made crisis. If the international community is truly taking the humanitarian crisis in Tigray seriously, then finding a way to reach the people in need would not be a problem. As the saying goes, “Where there is a will, there is always a way.” 

Ethiopia’s role in the Horn of Africa has been jeopardized by the war on Tigray. Had it not been for Abiy’s lack of diplomatic skills combined with his delusional megalomania, Ethiopia could have continued to play a stabilizing factor in the region. Ethiopia has shown before that it was possible to maintain relative interregional stability; however, now with the pariah state of Eritrea being the main regional actor and having inserted itself into the genocidal war on Tigray and wider Ethiopian affairs, Ethiopia itself is on the brink of collapse. 

Without addressing the man-made crisis and understanding the real causes and effects of the war, finding an effective solution to ending this conflict might be far from realization. It is going to be impossible to have any form of dialogue when there is a population being exterminated through man-made crises. If not resolved, the crisis in Tigray is likely to lead to more conflicts and chaos in the region. 

Once the humanitarian crisis is addressed, the next step towards stability and peace in the region needs to be an independent international investigation. An international investigation team needs to conduct fact finding inquiries in the places where atrocities and war crimes have been committed in Tigray. Based on the evidence collected, all parties should be held accountable for the crimes perpetrated. Without serving justice to the victims of war crimes and facilitating reparation for the commodities looted or destroyed, reconciliation and finding lasting peace will not be achieved. Further, a UN mediated national dialogue should be initiated in which the country’s future is negotiated amongst all stakeholders and a binding resolution is crafted. If such a process does not occur, the cycle of violence will never stop, causing avoidable human suffering to millions in the Horn. 

As for the fate of Tigray, it will be up to the people of Tigray to determine what is right for them within the context of national dialogue and constitutional framework.

 International financial institutions should take immediate punitive action against the Ethiopian government, who continues to commit heinous war crimes in the country’s northernmost region of Tigray.

Despite compelling evidence from human rights organizations and news outlets that Ethiopian government forces are carrying out a genocide in Tigray, international financial institutions continue to send hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to the Ethiopian government that more likely than not is being used to finance this genocide. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has already admitted that Ethiopia has spent 100 billion birr (2.3 billion USD), nearly 20% of the annual budget, to wage war against its own people. The atrocious actions of the Ethiopian government are horrifying and must be stopped.

The international community and financial institutions should follow the United States’ lead and impose economic and security sanctions and cut funding to the Ethiopian government until it rights its wrongs in Tigray. A troubling double standard must be recognized here. The U.S. and the international community are rightly outraged by the wrongdoing carried out by the regime in Myanmar, prompting widespread condemnation, sanctions, implementation of financial monitoring systems, and a halt to aid. Yet eight months of human rights abuses in Tigray have inexplicably failed to trigger any semblance of a tough response from the international community.

Since November 2020, Abiy’s “law enforcement operation” in Tigray has been a direct attack on Tigrayan civilians in order to completely eliminate the population. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken classified the human rights abuses in Tigray, which include targeted civilian killings, sexual and gender-based violence, and weaponized starvation, as acts of ethnic cleansing.

As the Ethiopian government bleeds Tigray dry, the World Bank made the decision to supply the government with more money for services that are not reaching those suffering in Tigray. The region’s factories, farms, and healthcare infrastructure have been systematically looted and demolished by Ethiopian and Eritrean forces as well as Amhara militias. Tigray’s economy and food system have been destroyed, yet the World Bank seems to believe that the Ethiopian government will use this funding to help the same civilians they are actively killing.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has also turned a blind eye to the atrocities being committed in Tigray and plans to issue $650 billion in aid to countries through a new Special Drawing Rights (SDR) which has the ability to raise Ethiopian reserves by more than 10%. In addition, the IMF welcomed Ethiopia’s request to join the G20 Common Framework for debt relief which has been criticized for lacking transparency and accountability. These policies by the IMF are irresponsible and make it easy for the Ethiopian government to use debt relief and funding to help underwrite a genocide. 

Abiy has driven Ethiopia into economic shambles with this war and is desperately trying to find money to fund this genocide. His desperate hunt for financial assistance comes days after the Ethiopian government declared a unilateral ceasefire in Tigray following the Tigray Defense Forces’ (TDF) military victories in several areas of Tigray. However, since declaring this ceasefire, Abiy has shown the world that he will not give up until all of Tigray is destroyed.

Eritrean and Amhara forces still remain in the region, committing unimaginable war crimes and crimes against humanity. Aid is still being prevented from reaching parts of Tigray as 900,000 people are currently facing famine conditions. Roads to Tigray have been blocked, and Amhara forces are threatening to illegally claim Western Tigray by any means necessary. Further, Tigrayans are being detained or arrested throughout Ethiopia. This ceasefire is illegitimate and is nothing short of a siege on Tigray as Abiy prepares to attack again. 

In addition to continuing to commit crimes against humanity in Tigray, Abiy is preparing financially to continue fighting in Tigray. The Ethiopian parliament has approved a 561.7 billion birr ($12.9 billion USD) budget for the 2021/22 year which is an 18% increase in spending. Not only has he asked parliament for money, but the Addis Ababa (FinFinne) government donated 500 million birr (approximately 11 million USD ) to support the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF). These actions should be red flags to the international community and financial institutions. If this were a real ceasefire, would Abiy continue attacking Tigray and keep scavenging for money from all avenues? The international community needs to be extremely vigilant of Abiy Ahmed’s ingenuine ceasefire and needs to impose economic and security sanctions in addition to halting all payments to and projects in Ethiopia. It is very clear that Abiy is desperate to continue this war and is willing to use any means necessary to continue to pay for this genocide. The international community cannot continue to allow Abiy to completely destroy Tigray.

Abiy has disregarded democracy, regional security, and human rights. He is an autocratic leader who continues to commit heinous crimes against Tigray and Tigrayans. Thus, the international community should treat him as such, as they did to the military coup leaders in Myanmar.

Yet, financial institutions still continue to fund ongoing projects and approve the distribution of more money to Ethiopia without putting in place any monitoring systems in the country that ensures that funding is not being used to finance this genocide. 

The World Bank claims that they do not have a mandate to get involved in internal governance issues of its member states when responding to the situation in Tigray;  however, they did not hesitate when interfering in Myanmar’s internal governance. 

The U.S. and the international community responded as they should to the crisis in Myanmar. The horrors in Tigray deserve an equally tough and righteous response.

A long tradition of self-governance and the bitter fight against Italy’s invasion in the late 19^th century, which ended in the defeat of the colonizing forces at the renowned Battle of Adwa in Tigray, is at the core of the pride Ethiopia has in its sovereignty. The notions of societal dignity and territorial integrity, stemming from the mythologized historical depiction of the Battle of Adwa, is deeply seated in the minds of Ethiopians. Ironically, this deep-rooted belief in Ethiopia’s sovereignty is being used as a shield and justification for committing dreadful atrocities and manipulating the masses during the war on Tigray.

To fully grasp how the concept of “saving Ethiopia” is used by the Ethiopian government to legitimize acting with impunity by committing atrocities in Tigray, let’s look back to the construction of the narrative and how the Ethiopian public bought into it.

Pseudo “Pan-Ethiopianism” 

After Abiy Ahmed was sworn in as interim Prime Minister in 2018, he worked hard to win the hearts of Ethiopians and the world by telling all sides what they wanted to hear and implementing eye-catching reforms, including opening up political space and economic possibilities in Ethiopia. In retrospect, these reforms that were met with euphoria were superficial and failed to live up to the expectations of the local and international community. The reforms were nothing less than strategic, pre-calculated moves to gain public trust and popularity. Most of Abiy’s initial reforms were followed by actions contrary to what he had promised.

With the aim of centralizing power and establishing a popular cult-like leadership, Abiy made demagogic speeches and turned to empty “pan-Ethiopian” rhetoric, labeling anyone against him as anti-unity and anti-Ethiopia.

In doing so, it became easy to categorize, sideline, or imprison his opponents. Such political oppression was difficult to do when it came to the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), who became Abiy’s main obstacle in completely consolidating his power. Unlike other rivals, the TPLF had a well-structured organization, institutional knowledge, and strong roots in Tigray. Eliminating such a threat was Abiy’s objective from his first day in office.  

Antagonistic Narration: Why the Ethiopian public complied with the war on Tigray 

Before Abiy’s premiership, officials from the TPLF were accused by the public of being involved in large-scale state-led corruption, ethnic division of the nation in the interest of hegemony, and suppression of other ethnic groups. Abiy was expeditious in using and leveraging this fermented hate in his rhetoric every opportunity he had. 

The very unfortunate reality is that Abiy’s previously described propaganda was not just directed at TPLF officials but at the people of Tigray. The hate transcended the Tigrayan political party  to all Tigrayans. Abiy’s accusations and inflammatory rhetoric began after a hand grenade was thrown at the prime minister at a pro-government rally organized days after Abiy assumed office. Abiy was quick to use a vulgar expression addressing the perpetrators, implicitly telling the public that former TPLF intelligence officers could be behind the assasination attempt before any investigation was launched. His supporters began blaming the TPLF for all of the political instabilities across the country, which quickly developed  into the demonization of Tigrayans. 

Moreover, in an emotionally triggering documentary on terrorism that was streamed on state television, not only were TPLF officials scapegoated for every ill that occurred during the rule of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democtratic Front (EPRDF), but they were described as “Tigrigna speaking,” which implied that those who speak Tigrigna, and therefore Tigrayans, are collectively responsible for the social, political, and economic critiques of the EPRDF’s rule. Tigrayans were also dehumanized and degraded by being called “day-time hyenas,” as coined by Abiy himself. Tigrayans who voiced their support for the TPLF, an elected party in Tigray, were portrayed as enemies of Ethiopia.

In a series of other events, the government boldly preached the ideal, unitary state of “Ethiopianism,” depicting TPLF as the antithesis to it and a divisive force. Ethnic based violence throughout the country was often blamed on the EPRDF’s ethnic federalist state formation and constitution. Abiy presented the public with a mystified idea of greatness that Ethiopia could assume only if the TPLF were eliminated. Thus, it became easy for Abiy to effectively alienate Tigray and Tigrayans from the rest of Ethiopia.

The few outliers that challenged or criticized Abiy’s new Ethiopia were quickly labeled treasonous and against Ethiopia’s unity and sovereignty. This discourse and framing laid the groundwork for Abiy’s war on Tigray. As a result, the average Ethiopian became indifferent to the announcement of the war on Tigray on November 4, 2020. Some went as far as celebrating the war as a step toward a “greater Ethiopia,” as Abiy portrayed it.

To showcase this “greater Ethiopia” vision, Abiy knew he needed symbolic projects that would appeal to the public. For example, Abiy gave the public lavishly designed public parks. Despite little to no relevance in addressing the chronic structural malfunction of the economy or political instability in the country, the average Ethiopian saw these new parks as a sign of growth and prosperity. The government has already started calling these projects “mega.” These glamorous projects are presented as gifts to the public, generating the feeling and appearance that the administration is working for the good of the people and progressing the nation. However, Abiy  was not working behind doors to maintain Ethiopia’s economic growth, nor was he concerned about the reforms he promised when he came to power. So he gave the public something flashy that they could see and point to as tangible changes taking place in this new “greater Ethiopia.” Abiy’s parks are an example of how Ethiopian sovereignty, in this case through the creation of recreational spaces that symbolize beauty and progress, is used as a strategy to convince Ethiopians of Abiy’s agenda for “greater Ethiopia,” even when waging a war on Tigray.

Heinous atrocities under the cover of sovereignty 

At the outset of the war on Tigray, the Ethiopian government propagated a narrative of the war as an attack on Ethiopia’s sovereignty, thereby circumventing the potential for any negotiations and creating a facade for the international community, portraying the military operation as one to protect the country’s sovereignty from internal forces.  At the end of November 2020, when Abiy addressed Ethiopia’s parliament, he said, “My message to friends of Ethiopia is that we may be poor, but we are not a country that will negotiate our sovereignty.” 

The federal government characterized international requests for peace talks and public  condemnation of the atrocities committed in Tigray against innocent civilians, and the humanitarian crisis as foreign interference and unjust external pressure on the federal government. On May 26, 2020, Deputy Prime Minister Demeke Mekonen, using the same rhetorical strategy, said that, “We will not bow to external pressures on our sovereignty.” 

With sovereignty as a shield, the Ethiopian government has committed heinous atrocities. In reality, however, the Ethiopian government has jeopardized its sovereignty by inviting foreign forces to invade Tigrayan lands and kill, rape, and starve civilians in the name of destroying the TPLF. 

Abiy and his supporters fail to realize that sovereignty implies that the sovereign state has the responsibility to protect the basic rights of its citizens, regardless of their ethnicity. The Ethiopian government has not only failed to up meet this basic responsibility inherent to sovereignty, it has persistently worked against it by waging the war on Tigray and allowing war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide to take place. 

As U.S. Ambassador Linda Thomas Greenfield said,  “[…] Sovereignty does not come into play when you have foreign troops in your country, when your people are crossing borders into other countries, and we’re watching on national TV your people starve to death.” Sovereignty is no cover for unleashing atrocities on your people, and the world, as Ethiopians, should understand that as we seek to uphold the principle of humanity and protect innocent civilians in war-torn Tigray.

Tigrayans around the world exchanged phone calls, hugs, and sighs of relief as news circulated that the Tigray Defense Forces regained control of the capital city, Mekelle on June 28^th, 2021. Nevertheless, the elation was brief, as realization dawned that the 8-month long genocidal war on Tigray was not quite over. The region is still under a telecommunication blackout, the humanitarian corridor is blocked and restricted, there is no access to banks, and 900,000 people remain at high risk of famine. Moreover, war crimes and violations of international law by Ethiopian and Eritrean military forces and Amhara militia must be investigated. So, while recapturing Mekelle is significant, the genocide continues to bring immeasurable suffering and lifelong scars to millions of civilians.

Similar to the long-lasting, multigenerational impact of bombing campaigns and man-made famine committed against Tigrayans by the Ethiopian government in the 1940s and 1980s, the current genocidal campaign will have detrimental biological, psychological, and socio-economic effects on survivors. Researchers found suggestive evidence that children affected by the 1984 famine in Tigray were significantly shorter than their unaffected counterparts, less likely to have completed primary school, and more likely to have an income loss of at least 5% per year over their lifetime. 

It is clear that severe nutritional shock on a large scale such as famine has long-lasting effects, especially on children in a critical period of development. In June 2021, the United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF) warned that 140,000 children in Tigray are malnourished and at risk of dying unless there is unrestricted access to humanitarian aid. Officials from agencies such as the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) expressed frustration about the electricity and communication blackouts imposed on Tigray, making it difficult for life-saving aid to be delivered. 

Furthermore, the Tekeze River bridge that is crucial for aid-routes leading to Tigray has been destroyed. Such catastrophic conditions combined with a deliberately interrupted farming schedule will have dangerous impacts on nearly every person in the region; if crops are not planted and food assistance is not provided, the man-made famine occurring in Tigray will quickly worsen.

Along with weaponized starvation, weaponized sexual violence against women and young girls has been rampant during the Tigray genocide. Gang rape and spreading HIV as a form of biological warfare are part of the ethnic cleansing campaign to forcefully remove the Tigrayan population and prevent births from occurring. Not only does this sexual violence affect survivors, it inevitably takes a detrimental toll on survirvors’ children. Evidence shows that in Rwanda and Darfur, children born of rape have demonstrated a higher risk of abandonment, abuse, and malnutrition. Mothers who are rape survivors are also likely to become isolated from society. Additionally, maternal depression and mental instability negatively impact infant outcomes.

Children of abused women face obstacles that have long-term adverse effects on their biological and psychological well-being such as behavioral and posttraumatic stress disorders. Rape survivors in Tigray have already attempted debilitating unsafe abortions, indicating severe maternal distress. Tending to maternal mental and physical health is crucial in diminishing the intergenerational effects of rape and unwanted pregnancy, but the healthcare system in Tigray has collapsed due to attacks by armed forces, making it impossible to receive treatment. It is imperative that this intergenerational trauma is addressed to alleviate these preventable consequences of genocide.

The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that a significant percentage of people who live through armed conflicts will suffer from serious mental health problems and develop harmful behavior that will hinder their ability to live a healthy life. The damage caused by violence and war crimes on Tigrayans under the Derg regime (1974 – 1991) is evident even decades later. The consequences of the Tigray genocide must effectively be managed to support another generation of people with trauma. 

Tigrayans that were once leading healthy, normal, and successful lives have now faced devastating fatal losses, displacement from their homes, and subjection to brutal sexual violence. Doctors-turned-refugees, such as Dr. Tewodros Tefera, are saving lives while fighting for their own survival. Like in the past, the world is witnessing Tigrayans abruptly lose their livelihoods. Business owners, professors, trade workers, and others who would have led comfortable lives with ample education opportunities for their children will now have to start from scratch. As exhibited in the diaspora, first-generation children of refugees are at a disadvantage when compared to their peers; not only does the Tigray genocide affect the primary victims, it will impact generations to come.

The world still has a chance to mitigate the implications of the genocidal campaign on Tigray. With every passing minute, the crisis worsens as disease and famine become increasingly widespread and the healthcare system remains non-functional. While it is impossible to alter past events, the opportunity remains to prevent further damage and loss. Failure to intervene on the mass atrocities being committed against Tigrayans only undermines the United Nations’ promise of “Never Again” after past genocides, but the immediate enforcement of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) will make all the difference in the extent of intragenerational and intergenerational trauma inflicted on survivors and their children.