Op-Ed: How Abiy Ahmed Capitalized on TPLF Misconceptions to Wage a Genocidal War

Abiy has manipulated the mischaracterization of the TPLF to gain support for the war in Tigray and fracture what was once the fastest-growing economy on the African continent.

Before Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018, Ethiopia was considered a relatively stable country with economic potential. It had one of the fastest-growing economies in Africa, and by 2018 had the fastest growing economy on the continent. The success of Ethiopia’s relative stability and economic growth in the 2000s was often praised by the international community. This stability and growth happened under the rule of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).

The EPRDF was formed in 1988 by a coalition of multi-ethnic parties, including the Tigray’s People Liberation Front (TPLF), Amhara Democratic Party (ADP), the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP), and the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM). During the 30 years of EPRDF’s rule, the front was often criticized for political oppression and for not quickly transitioning the country into a democratic state. Although the TPLF was not the only party at fault for EPRDF’s oppressive actions across the country, critics of the EPRDF have put sole blame on the TPLF over the years. That said, one cannot deny the TPLF’s role in helping form the EPRDF and ensuring its success during the last three decades.

The question of the TPLF’s dominance within the EPRDF was the main talking point for quite some time and helped rally opposition blocks against the EPRDF. The conflation  of the TPLF as the EPRDF is not new. Even before the TPLF assumed political power in Addis Ababa as a member of  the EPRDF, the Derg had successfully created a narrative and image of the TPLF as traitors to the country’s unity.

Despite such a narrative, the TPLF succeeded in bringing together different regional parties in an effort to end centuries of cultural and political subordination experienced by more than 80 ethnic groups. With the foundation of the federalist constitution instituted by the EPRDF, tangible economic development was brought to the country as was the potential for real democratic and political representation and self-administration for historically marginalized nations and nationalities. Ironically, the TPLF is now labeled as a terrorist group by Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who was once a key member of the EPRDF himself.

There are several misconceptions and disinformation about the TPLF’s role in Ethiopia and under the EPRDF. In this article, we will focus on three — the misconception that the TPLF was created to serve the interest of Tigrayan elites, the misconception that the TPLF aimed to disintegrate Ethiopia, and the misconception that the TPLF stole from Ethiopia.

There is a misconception that the TPLF was created to serve the interest of Tigrayan elites. That is simply not the case, however. Like most of its peer political movements in Ethiopia during the 1970s and 1980s, the TPLF emerged as a viable option that was entrusted to end the plight of its people. Tigrayans,  like many of the minorities usurped by the Ethiopian empire, had suffered under the Ethiopian empire for hundreds of years, more recently under Menelik II, Haile Selassie, and the Derg.

Following the fall of Emperor Haile Selassie’s regime in 1974, Tigrayans hoped that a new government would address the plight of Tigrayans, but such expectations were soon dashed as the Derg military regime continued Ethiopia’s authoritarian leadership. The Derg regarded Ethiopia as a monolithic society, thereby declaring any ethno-nationalist grievance or demand for self-determination contrary to Ethiopian unity and interests. The Derg’s hard line was in opposition to the the beliefs of  many Tigrayan ethno-nationalist groups that were determined to assert their rights to self-determination and self-administration through the “barrel of the gun.” Marxism-Leninism appealed to the founders of the TPLF group, most of whom were college students, teachers, and civil servants.

After fierce debates held in Tigray as to the fate of the struggle once the TPLF managed to free Tigray, the consensus was to help the rest of Ethiopia get rid of the brutal regime and establish an Ethiopia that is democratic and representative of the rights and interests of all nations and nationalities. Here inlies the irony of hailing the TPLF as the culmination of all evil for Ethiopia, as it went beyond its mandate to support the liberation of the rest of Ethiopia, at the expense of thousands of Tigrayan lives.

When Abiy Ahmed waged his “law-and-order operation” against the TPLF on November 4, 2020, he attempted to make the war on Tigray appear as a war on a corrupt, elitist party that did not represent the Tigray population. Nevertheless, the TPLF has been the officially elected party of the Tigray region since the 1990s.

Although often criticized by Tigrayan youth and intellectuals for not having done enough to democratize Tigray and help the region’s economic growth, the TPLF was seen as a safe choice during the September 2020 elections in Tigray given the circumstances and rising tensions at the time. Despite over 98 percent of the 2.6 million people voting for the TPLF during that election, Abiy deemed the election unconstitutional and labeled the TPLF as a corrupt, elitist party that did not represent the Tigray population.

Secondly, despite a propagated image of the TPLF being responsible for dividing the country, the TPLF was key in helping create a sustainable Ethiopian state in which nations and nationalities were represented during a critical period in Ethiopia’s history after the Derg was defeated.

In opposition to all false narratives and misconceptions, the TPLF was a staunch advocate for Ethiopian unity, and one cannot equate the nationalism of the TPLF and its sacrifices for the country of Ethiopia to that of the current unitarist authoritarian government.

Many of the TPLF leadership believed in the possibility and potential of Ethiopia, including the late Prime Minister of Ethiopia Meles Zenawi and former Ethiopian Foreign Affairs Minister Seyoum Mesfin. Meles Zenawi is often praised for leading Ethiopia’s economic development during his rule, while Seyoum Mesfin was a renowned diplomat who tirelessly advocated for Ethiopia’s unity and role in the international sphere. These leaders often spoke of alleviating poverty and putting Ethiopia on the map during their time under the EPRDF.

Under Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia’s GDP grew from 3.8 percent in the ’90s to double digits until his death in 2012. Many of the major cities in the country enjoyed significant infrastructure transformations, and universities and colleges were opened for the first time in many parts of the country.

As described by Alex De Waal in his Memoriam to Seyoum Mesfin, Seyoum’s contribution to the Ethiopian state and regional stability was significant: “Under Seyoum’s guiding hand, Ethiopia became admired as Africa’s biggest contributor to peace and security, a reliable contributor of high-quality troops to peacekeeping operations, and a partner in conflict resolution.”

Despite these facts of history, there is a culture of  distrust and annihilation in Ethiopian politics that is still persistent in Ethiopia’s contemporary political landscape. One byproduct of this ugly culture is the use of misinformation and blatant lies as a tool to defame competing political parties. The TPLF, more than any other party in the country, has been subjected to this defamation technique since Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018.

Third, the TPLF is often blamed for the widespread corruption during the EPRDF rule. Upon securing victory against the Derg and with an intent to be representatives of nations and nationalities, parties were established in each region, and coalitions were formed by four of the ten regions. 

As the drive for representation outweighed other criteria, little to no attention was given to quality. As a result of this discrepancy, the EPRDF became a magnet for inefficiency and corruption, attracting people to their government who would parrot what came from the top.

Additionally, since the day that the TPLF set foot in Addis Ababa, TPLF leadership received a cold welcome and were even told to go back to Tigray. Without assessing their policies and strategies, the Amhara elite began defaming them—painting them as “uncivilized” leaders who do not belong in the capital city of Addis Ababa. Misinformation and deliberate disinformation started circulating about their intentions for Ethiopia. It was rumored that the TPLF was dismantling factories to take them to Tigray, and no one even bothered to look for evidence to prove such allegations. 

To the dismay of many Tigrayans, the TPLF did not bother to disprove or respond to these false allegations. Consequently, the scope and the breadth of lies continued to grow and gained a stronghold of the general public’s perceptions of the TPLF. This began to impact the TPLF, and in an attempt to appease their opposition they focused on, and invested in, the development of the rest of the country at the neglect of Tigray. 

The allegations against the TPLF then started to expand in breadth and depth, and they continued unabated. The disinformation shifted from the TPLF onto the people of Tigray as well. Many believed, for example, that Tigrayan university students were receiving pocket money from government funds or that Tigrayan women used TPLF funds for their personal shopping. The success of Tigrayans was often associated with the TPLF—no Tigrayan could be wealthy, educated, or happy without Ethiopians questioning where this wealth, education, or happiness came from.  

Ethiopia’s economic growth during the 2000s allowed ambitious entrepreneurs to reap the benefits of Ethiopia’s economic potential, yet there is simply no evidence or data to demonstrate that Tigrayans benefited from the EPRDF system more than any other ethnic group, nor is there evidence for TPLF leaders to have stolen money from the country. 

This is not to ignore the level of corruption that existed and still exists in Ethiopia today. However, those who stole money from Ethiopia were not aligned to one ethnic group or political party.

Turning Ethiopians against Tigrayans

Abiy has used this rhetoric to turn Ethiopians against the TPLF, and Tigrayans as a whole. He has used derogatory terms to refer to TPLF leadership since coming to power, including calling Tigrayans “day-time-hyenas.” 

He has now successfully painted a picture of Ethiopia, where the TPLF, and Tigrayans by association, were the corrupt ones that stole from the motherland, while others lived in poverty. Although those who have visited Tigray realize this is far from the truth, the majority of the Ethiopian population has accepted this as a fact.

Since the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) have gained the upper hand militarily and the elected Tigrayan government was reinstated, rhetoric against the Tigrayan “enemies” has escalated and intensified by both the Ethiopian government and the Amhara regional government. 

Most recently, Abiy has called his “enemy” and the “junta” the “cancer of Ethiopia,” vowing to “crush the weeds of Tigray.” Furthermore, in July 2021, the President of the Amhara regional state proclaimed: “These people [Tigrayans] are an enemy to all Ethiopians. These people are the enemy of the Oromo people, these people are the enemy of Afar people, they are the enemy of Gambela, they are the enemy of Somali.” These strong words against the people of Tigray demonstrate the complete solidification of misconceptions about the TPLF transferred onto the people of Tigray.

Despite Abiy being a member of the EPRDF for most of his professional life, serving in multiple agencies and roles, he fueled and used the hate that had been stirring against the TPLF to wage a genocidal war on Tigray in November 2020, two years after coming to power. Abiy himself did not believe these misconceptions when he came to power—he is quoted praising the role of Tigrayans in the Ethiopian state and TPLF’s ambition to serve its people. However, he quickly used these misconceptions to his advantage soon after realizing that the TPLF would not support his ambition to consolidate power in forming a unitarian state. 

These misconceptions have cost Tigrayans their Ethiopian identity, livelihood, and lives during the genocidal war on Tigray.

Disclaimer: All views expressed in this article do not represent the official position of Omna Tigray. This article is not intended to advocate for the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF), nor is it in support of the TPLF.