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Ashenda is a yearly celebration of women and girls in Tigray. During the week of Ashenda, girls wear their most beautiful traditional clothes, style their hair with intricate braids, apply traditional makeup, and finish their look with a touch of butter on their hair. During the days of Ashenda, Tigray’s women and girls dance through the streets and are given gifts by their community. The celebration typically runs from August 16th to 24th in Tigray. Today, it is an occasion celebrated globally by Tigrayans in the diaspora.  

Ashenda is a special time when girls are celebrated with full freedom and deep respect. They are honored as daughters of Mary, and throughout the week, mistreating or raising one’s voice at any girl is considered shameful, reflecting the festival’s strong religious roots. While each morning and evening, there is a tradition of girls visiting churches, specifically, churches dedicated to the Virgin Mary. If there is not one nearby, they travel to another location to offer their prayers. Ashenda is also a season of courtship. Many young men use this time to find their future wives. There is a popular saying: “Don’t propose to Mary’s daughter or a baptized girl, they’re too beautiful to handle!” And during Ashenda, this rings especially true, as every girl shines with unmatched beauty and confidence. 

Also, among the most cherished expressions of Ashenda in Tigray, there are two joyful chants,  “Maria” and “Ayni Wari.”  The word Maria refers to St. Mary, revered as a symbol of purity, grace, and divine protection. Girls begin their songs with her name, calling upon her blessing and beauty in poetic verses that reflect a deep spiritual connection. Ayni Wari, meaning “Look at me,” captures the bold, expressive spirit of Ashenda, when girls use their voices freely to praise, tease, and even call out social issues in clever, melodic ways. Together, these traditions, while remaining rooted in religion for many, have turned Ashenda into a celebration of identity, femininity, and fearless expression.

Thus, though rooted in religion with spiritual significance for many, today, the celebration of Ashenda has evolved to become more of a cultural rather than a purely religious event. It is a time for the expression of girlhood and womanhood, celebrated regardless of their faith and religion. Ashenda has taken on new meaning since the start of the genocidal war on Tigray in November 2020, which has seen Tigray’s women and girls targeted.

The celebration of Ashenda amidst the effects of genocide is both an act of resilience and a time to reflect on the heinous crimes committed against the women and girls of Tigray by Ethiopian and Eritrean forces. Equally, it is a call to action for support, justice, and an end to ongoing crimes. 

Since the Pretoria Agreement marked the formal end of active war between the Tigray Defense Forces and Ethiopian National Defense Forces in late 2022, Tigrayan women and girls have faced an ongoing crisis of survival and healing, many suffering from the effects of horrific wartime sexual violence and its long-term impacts. As illustrated in a recent report in The Guardian, survivors endured systematic rape, the insertion of foreign objects aimed at causing infertility, acid attacks, and mutilation injuries that continue to affect their physical and mental health, amid collapsed medical services and societal stigma. Post-Pretoria Agreement studies and reports also confirm that sexual violence has persisted even after the Agreement, with documented cases of conflict-related sexual violence continuing in occupied areas. Sexual and gender-based violence across many parts of Tigray has worsened post-Pretoria, as Tigray’s social fabric has been destroyed, and girls and women are being kidnapped and killed at alarming rates.  

As a result, there is an urgent need for comprehensive support, accessible health care, psychosocial healing, legal accountability, economic empowerment, and restoration of dignity. Tigrayan women deserve the pathway to healing that the Pretoria Agreement once promised. 

A Call for Unity and Collective Healing

As we honor the deep spiritual traditions of Ashenda and the resilience of Tigrayan girls, women, boys, and men, we must also confront the truths of recent history. From a heritage rooted in sisterhood to the urgent need for healing from the atrocities of genocidal war, this moment calls on all of us to support Tigray’s women and girls in their healing and path to justice. Simultaneously, this moment also calls upon us to address the trauma of the genocidal war and the needs of the broader society to ensure we heal together as a community. Tigrayans at home and abroad, friends of Tigray, advocates, and human rights defenders must rise together to achieve this.

Unity is not only cultural, it is political, spiritual, and generational. We must support all survivors in Tigray and in refugee camps, not only in celebration but also in justice: ensuring access to healthcare, mental health services (trauma counseling), protection, dignity, and justice, and reparative pathways toward healing. True healing begins when silence breaks, when communities unite, and when every survivor’s voices, regardless of gender, are uplifted, not buried. 

Community leaders and organizations work tirelessly to encourage dialogue, education, and shared responsibility. Breaking cycles of violence and supporting survivors to rebuild trust and restore dignity demands the collective effort of every member of society. If you are not part of this yet, join now and become part of the unity.

Ashenda’s spirit is rooted in remembrance, courage, and celebration. It should inspire Tigrayans everywhere to stand united. Through collective healing, acknowledging pain, and embracing hope, the entire community can move forward together toward a future defined not by division but by solidarity and renewed strength.

Stability in Ethiopia remains elusive as the country’s federal government, led by Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party (PP)  continues its dangerous political gambles and prepares for a looming war with Eritrea over access to the Red Sea. Tigray, having faced a genocidal war since 2020, is once again a potential battleground and pivotal player in the potential war. As such, the Ethiopian federal government has interfered with Tigray’s internal politics and leadership, seeking to reconfigure internal power structures in Tigray to consolidate a strong political base in preparation for the potential conflict with Eritrea. The threat of war has been substantiated by General Tsadkan Gebretensae, a former senior member of Tigray’s Interim Administration. He warned of the growing danger of war between Ethiopia and Eritrea “At any minute, there might be a war between Eritrea and Ethiopia.” Moreover, similar concern is also shared by Payton Knopf and Alexander Rondos who are the former US and EU special envoys to the region.

Political Fragmentation in Tigray and vulnerabilities

In November 2022, Tigray’s elected government, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) signed a Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (Pretoria Agreement), ending active armed conflict between Tigray’s Defense Forces and the Ethiopian National Defense Forces. After the signing of the Pretoria Agreement, the Tigray region entered a fragile recovery phase. However, internal divisions, driven by fears of accountability and corruption within the TPLF along with the administration of Prime Minister Abiy half hearted and opportunistic push for total victory by continuing a war of attrition, have kept Tigray and its people in a precarious position in an increasingly volatile geopolitical region.   

The Pretoria Agreement established Tigray’s Interim administration. Getachew Reda, a former member and spokesperson of the TPLF, was appointed as head of the Interim administration. Since then, a schism between Debretsion, the Chairman of the TPLF and Getachew Reda and his allies has emerged, fracturing the region’s leadership capacity. The issue for disagreement goes beyond a struggle for power as it reflects deeper political and ideological differences, mainly in their visions for Tigray’s future. Getachew’s camp advocates for liberal democratic reforms and political pluralism, as demonstrated by his move to establish the Tigray Liberal Democratic Party after he was ousted from TPLF leadership, whereas Debretsion’s faction seeks to maintain the framework of revolutionary democracy, which remains the official program of the TPLF . Above all the  underlying cause of the deepening divisions is the failure of implementation of the Pretoria Agreement. The Abiy Administration has not only contributed to this failure but also exploited it to deepen internal divisions to strengthen control over Tigray and use it for the potential war with Eritrea. Therefore, these internal divisions have left Tigray vulnerable to external manipulation. 

Exploitation of vulnerabilities 

A series of recent developments seem to suggest a coordinated effort by the Abiy Ahmed administration to support what has been branded as Getachew Reda’s faction of the Tigray leadership while undermining the Debretsion-led-TPLF. Given the rising tension in Tigray, Getachew was replaced as the President of the Interim administration by General Tadesse Worede. After Getachew was removed from the Tigray Interim Administration, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed appointed Getachew as an advisor on East African Affairs under the federal government. This move has been seen widely as strategic and an attempt to exert influence in Tigray. In this new position, Getachew appears focused on helping Abiy’s administration by publicly accusing and discrediting claims of his former comrades. Now potentially with federal backing, Getachew has formed a new liberal political party aligned with the federal government’s liberal ideology. Such a move may serve the federal government’s interest in weakening the TPLF’s dominance by further fragmenting what was once a unified political base in Tigray .Furthermore,  the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) canceled  the legal status of the TPLF while Getachew Reda established  a  new political party for Tigray. The Authority for Civil Society Organizations (ACSO) also denounced the election of 12 members of the Tigray Development Association (TDA) board following  criticism by Getachew, which undermines the TPLF influence over the organization. 

Meanwhile, the newly appointed Tadesse Werede, a former military general and former deputy to Getachew Reda is seen as a favorable choice of the TPLF faction aligned with Debretsion, as he signaled by reversing Getachew’s earlier decision of expelling three Tigray army generals. This group includes individuals accused by Abraham Belay, Minister of Irrigation and Lowlands for collaborating with the Eritrean security apparatus to undermine the administration of Prime Minister Abiy. Moreover, Debretsion’s TPLF has been accused of having ties with Eritrea. 

These developments are fueled by the Abiy administration’s ongoing  failure or unwillingness to fully implement the Pretoria Agreement, particularly on critical provisions such as the restoration of Tigray’s territories and the resettlement of internally displaced persons (IDPs). In a recent parliamentary session on July 3rd, Prime Minister Abiy publicly signaled the possibility of a renewed and even more devastating war with Tigray. At the same time, Abiy’s government is facilitating the creation of an armed Tigrayan opposition in the Afar region; a clear violation of the Pretoria Agreement.

Thus, these events serve as indicators of the Federal government’s broader strategic intentions of exploiting the rift in Tigray’s leaderships to further weaken the region while potentially solidifying  a loyal bloc ahead of future conflict scenarios. Therefore, both the federal government and the Eritrean regime may be exploiting internal divisions in Tigray to advance their own interests.

Getachew’s presence within Prime Minister Abiy’s political circle, along with involvement and role of other Tigrayan parties and PM Abiy’s own strategic interests to exploit the rift for his Red Sea ambition makes it complex to predict which political actors might side with PM Abiy or Isaias. Moreover, considering the Abiy administration’s war mongering and authoritarian posture, force and manipulation are seen as a golden key to solve all political problems. 

Such a toxic political environment has deeply affected Tigrayan political parties, including newer opposition groups such as Baytona Party, the Tigray Independence Party (TIP), and Salsay Weyane Tigray, which could have played a constructive role in building democracy. Instead of engaging in productive problem solving to address the region’s urgent challenges, some of the parties have been exploited by both former partners in crime, the Eritrean and Ethiopian regimes and used as pawns in their power struggle. Ultimately, it is the ordinary people across the country and pro peace and democracy forces who continue to pay the price unless the Ethiopian public  is mobilized to take back power through an organized and peaceful struggle 

Considering the federal government’s track record, along with the characteristics of the PP’s leadership and conflict resolution approach, there is nothing to suggest that the federal government will take a different course. Instead it will continue its default and short-sighted ways of deception, militarism, and divide and rule tactics to resolve such complex domestic and geopolitical issues. Moreover, the absence of accountability and justice for the atrocities committed during the two-year war in Tigray could embolden  PM Abiy’s administration to  launch an offensive against Eritrea to gain control of the Red Sea  by exploiting Tigray’s internal divisions.

Abiy’s Red Sea Ambition and Challenges 

Despite PM Abiy’s strong self-aggrandizing attitude and apparent desire to be seen as a heroic figure, the aspiration for access to the Red Sea has long been a prominent political agenda in Ethiopia’s mainstream discourse. On several occasions, Prime Minister Abiy has portrayed Ethiopia’s port access as a life and death issue. In his speech on October 13, 2023, he stated Ethiopia has a  “natural right” to access the Red Sea and denying this right would be unjust, proclaiming that “if there will be no fairness and justice and if there is no fairness and justice, it’s a matter of time, we will fight.”  However, he recently ruled out the use of force after his failed attempt to secure a port with a de facto state Somaliland . 

Though access to a port would indeed benefit the country from an economic and security standpoint, the timing is questionable. Most pressing economic and security problems inflicted by the repressive government  itself  should be the priority issue for any sensible leadership; nonetheless, Abiy is using the issue to revive his  fading nationalist appeal to mobilize the public for another war. 

In his pursuit of securing a port with Somaliland, he has made serious political miscalculations that weakened Ethiopia’s long standing geopolitical position  by pushing Somalia to align closely with Egypt and  Eritrea. Due to the government’s short sightedness and forceful behavior, Somalia has threatened to expel  Ethiopia’s members of the AMISOM peacekeeping mission and replace it with Egyptian troops. In addition, Egypt is coordinating coastal countries, including the two hostile countries Eritrea and Djibouti, to work together and claim exclusive authority over Red Sea affairs in hopes of alienating Ethiopia.

Elsewhere, Eritrea is also ratcheting up support for anti-Abiy administration rebel forces in Ethiopia. The recent defection of Ibrahim Osman Aliyu,  a prominent Afar political figure to Eritrea is one example. Also, considering Eritrea’s previous track record, there is a significant possibility of the country working with armed movements in Amhara,  Oromia, and some elements in Tigray, if not already started yet.

Therefore, by observing the Ethiopian government’s broader conflict resolution strategies and the recent developments in Tigray, particularly the controversy over the renewal of TPLF’s party status and the internal rifts among the Tigrayan leadership, we can establish that there are strong signs that Abiy may be preparing for renewed conflict with Eritrea, which would unfortunately make Tigray the battleground for the second time. 

A solution?

So, what’s the solution? Unfortunately, there is no silver bullet due to the complex nature of the issue. Nevertheless, understanding of two issues can be a pillar to design effective solutions. First, Tigray’s territorial and political demands can not be solved in isolation from the country’s political circumstances. A collaborative and inclusive political coordination framework should be established in which all Tigrayan democratic forces can work together with other Ethiopian political actors that are willing and capable of committing to a shared baseline political agenda. The baseline agenda of the alliance would be to exert sustained, versatile, and intensified nonviolent political pressure to replace Abiy’s regime and lay the groundwork for establishing a transitional government which upholds the existing constitution fundamentals. Additionally, democratizing Tigray by allowing other political parties to operate freely and engage in decision making processes would help strengthen the leadership by reducing its vulnerability to pressures from Federal government and other external forces, in turn reducing the threat of renewed war. 

Second, there must be a clear understanding among the majority of the general public and political actors that the issue of port access cannot be sustainably resolved through force, particularly with Eritrea. Rather encouraging Eritrean democratic forces such as Eritrean Blue Revolution Front (EBRF) and individual political actors that believe in a win-win approach would be  a step forward to a more viable solution.

Disclaimer: All views expressed in this article, or other articles posted at Omna Tigray, do not represent the official position of Omna Tigray.

The Tigray war, which was a genocidal war waged by the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments, represents one of the gravest humanitarian crises and violations of international laws in the modern era, defined not only by the scale of violence but also by its deeply gendered dimensions. More than 600,000 civilians perished and close to 3 millions were displaced. Women and girls in Tigray have been targeted with heinous acts of sexual violence, including rape, mutilation, and forced sterilization. The Tigray government estimates that at least 120,000 women and girls were impacted. This number is likely underreported as many survivors do not share these crimes. Further, there are areas forcefully and illegally occupied by Amhara and Eritrean forces where the victims are not captured in these numbers. Across Tigray, the perpetration of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) was part of a larger strategy in which sexual violence was used as an instrument of warfare to systematically target Tigrayans and destroy the region’s social fabric. These atrocities are compounded by systematic displacement and lack of access to care and psychosocial support, which continue to strip women of safety, stability, and the ability to protect their families. The deliberate weaponization of starvation and the blockade of humanitarian aid further entrench their suffering. Furthermore, Eritrea’s and the Amhara region’s occupation of Tigrayan territories exacerbates the crisis, with daily occurrences of human rights violations, including sexual violence. This is despite the provisions for the withdrawal of non-federal forces from Tigray according to the Nairobi Declaration (Article 2.1 (d)).The international community’s response, however, remains inadequate, with delayed interventions and failure to address the urgent needs of survivors and hold perpetrators accountable. This article seeks to serve as a call to action by highlighting the scale of the CRSV in Tigray and describe its nature, while summarizing the international community’s response or lack thereof. 

Weaponized Rape

Weaponized rape, a deliberate strategy of terror and control, was a defining characteristic of the genocidal war in Tigray. Books such as Tearing the Body, Breaking the Spirit by Birhan Gebrekristos and Mulu Mesfin as well as In Plain Sight by Rita Kahsay et al. extensively document cases of weaponized rape. Women and girls were subjected to systematic sexual violence intended not only to inflict physical and psychological harm but also to exert dominance over the Tigrayan community. Documented reports from survivors and organizations, such as the Tigray Genocide Commission of Inquiry, detail horrific acts, including gang rape, sexual mutilation, sexual slavery, which often included debilitating acts of violence such as insertion of foreign objects into women’s and girls’ genitals, which have left devastating, long-term impacts on survivors and communities. Testimonies from survivors, as well as insights from experts such as Yirgalem of the Gender-Based Violence (GBV) unit of the Tigray Genocide Commission of Inquiry underscore the systematic and deliberate nature of these atrocities. 

The scale of the violence is staggering, with 52.9% of reported incidents of sexual violence involving rape and over 80% involving gang rape, according to the Tigray Genocide Commission of Inquiry. Such statistics highlight the widespread and systematic nature of the violence in the war. These acts, perpetrated by Ethiopian, Eritrean, Amhara and Afar forces, represent a deliberate campaign to terrorize and destabilize the Tigrayan population. Perpetrators used ethnic slurs and proclaimed their goal to “pollute Tigrayan bloodlines.” The acts of violence that accompanied many of the sexual assaults had the intent of preventing Tigrayan women’s ability to bear children. These acts of violence impacted hundreds of thousands of women.

Reinforcing Inequalities

This campaign of sexual violence was not only an instrument of terror but also a tool of broader socio-economic devastation. The physical and psychological scars left on survivors are compounded by the destruction of essential services and infrastructure, deepening their vulnerability. As the war raged on, the deliberate targeting of Tigray’s economic and social foundations ensured that women, already facing the burden of trauma, would also bear the brunt of economic deprivation and societal collapse. This was further compounded by the destruction of healthcare facilities.

The genocidal war further exacerbated existing inequalities, reinforcing patriarchal structures. Women face disproportionate challenges due to the intentional destruction of infrastructure and livelihoods by the Ethiopian government and its allies. The Ethiopian government blockaded Tigray for several years. As I outlined elsewhere, banks were shut down, budgetary allocations frozen, and communications severed, effectively isolating Tigray from the rest of the country and the international community. This, in addition to causing isolation, was done to destroy the economy. In fact, key figures aligned with the genocidal regime pompously made statements about successfully returning Tigray’s economy to what it was 30 years before, to shambles.

The genocidal war has also eroded progress toward gender equality, impacting women disproportionately. Schools have been destroyed or repurposed. According to an IDP I spoke with and other sources, some schools are used to shelter the internally displaced within Tigray. Further, according to the internally displaced person, 70-80 students are placed in one classroom, leading to overcrowding, which discourages attendance. The loss of educational opportunities, disproportionately affecting girls, not only limits their individual potential but also undermines the region’s future development and economic stability. These barriers reflect a broader assault on women’s rights. 

Survivors also face enduring physical and psychological trauma, compounded by the collapse of healthcare systems that once offered maternal care, psychological support, and reproductive health services. According to a nurse at Ayder Comprehensive Hospital in Mekelle, Tigray, the stigma associated with weaponized rape further isolates survivors, preventing them from seeking help and perpetuating cycles of silence and neglect. As the impact of weaponized rape ripples through families and communities, it leaves a legacy of a broken social fabric that will take generations to mend.

Response by the International Community

In response to the widespread human rights abuses in Ethiopia, the International Commission of Human Rights on Ethiopia (ICHREE) was established by the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC) in December 2021. The commission’s mandate was to investigate reported atrocity crimes and to lay the foundation for future justice and accountability efforts. Based in Entebbe, Uganda, ICHREE was tasked with conducting a thorough investigation into human rights violations in Ethiopia since the war began in November 2020. Its focus included violations of international human rights law, humanitarian law, and refugee law, while paying particular attention to gender-based violence and other violations that disproportionately affect women and girls in the conflict zones.

Although the ICHREE was disbanded, its second report illuminated the horrors faced by women and girls in Tigray, identifying widespread sexual violence and gender-based crimes as part of the strategy of the Ethiopian government and its allies. The commission documented incidents of sexual slavery, physical abuse, and other forms of violence, with various armed groups implicated in these heinous acts. The victims of these crimes included pregnant women and women and girls of all ages, often subjected to violence in front of their children or family members, compounding the psychological trauma.

The international community has condemned these acts of violence against women and girls during armed conflict, recognizing them as serious violations of international human rights law. Under the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols, sexual violence in conflict is classified as a war crime, a crime against humanity, and, in some cases, an act of genocide. Perpetrators of such violence can be held accountable under international law, particularly if the crimes are part of a broader, systematic attack against civilians. This is intended to ensure that military and political leaders can be held accountable for crimes committed by their subordinates, providing a path for justice for the victims of these brutal acts. 

The U.S. government, in particular, has previously expressed deep concern over the war and human rights violations in Tigray. Citing specific issues such as extrajudicial killings, rape, and torture, the U.S. decided to suspend Ethiopia’s benefits under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The suspension of AGOA benefits was a significant step, signaling the need for stronger international pressure on Ethiopia to ensure accountability for human rights violations, and pursue peace in the region. International accountability for these crimes is essential to ensure justice for the victims but has yet to occur in a way that is reflective of the extent of the crimes committed.  

The Need for International Action

The response of the international community has been slow and inadequate. Integrating gendered perspectives into conflict analysis and interventions remains a critical step towards ensuring the needs of the survivors are met and justice is served for the women and girls. The sexual violence in Tigray, specifically the weaponized rape, emphasizes the importance of considering the gendered dimensions of war. Without acknowledging and addressing this dimension, peacebuilding and justice efforts will fall short, leaving the specific needs of women and girls unmet.

Weaponized rape is a violation of international law, demanding urgent global attention. The deliberate targeting of women as a means of terror and control reveals the gendered dimension of this genocidal campaign. As such, holding perpetrators accountable for these crimes is essential to any meaningful resolution of the war. Ending impunity for these heinous crimes and addressing the genocidal nature of gender-based violence in Tigray is critical to achieving lasting peace and stability in the region. Human rights organizations, in collaboration with international bodies, should work to ensure that all perpetrators are held accountable for these violations. The failure to address these atrocities not only perpetuates impunity for perpetrators but also undermines efforts toward peace and reconciliation. Global intervention is necessary to hold the Ethiopian government, as well as other forces involved, accountable for these heinous violations. It is through this accountability that survivors may begin to rebuild their lives and communities may find the path to healing.

The humanitarian response must also urgently address the needs of survivors and vulnerable populations. For women, establishing safe spaces in displacement camps, access to female healthcare providers, and robust mechanisms for reporting abuse are essential. Girls, who face disrupted education, malnutrition, and psychological trauma, require access to education, nutrition programs, and specialized mental health services. Elderly women, often overlooked, need targeted interventions like accessible healthcare and improved sanitation facilities. A comprehensive and inclusive approach is vital to mitigate the far-reaching impacts of this genocidal war. The international community must channel this support through local civil society organizations to prevent abuse by the Federal government.

Survivors must be supported through legal, medical, and psychological means, and access to justice remains a crucial aspect of the  healing process. By strengthening legal frameworks, providing survivor support, and ensuring international oversight, we can begin to address the violations in Tigray and beyond, working toward a future where women’s rights to safety, justice, and equality are upheld.

ፀላእቲ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ካብ ርሑቑን ቀረባን ዘራያት ኣተኣኻኺቦም ትግራይ ንሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ንምጥፋእ ወሸን ኢሎም ኩሉ ዓይነት ዕንወት፣ ፅንተትን ብርሰትን ኣብ ዝፈፀምሉ እዋን፥ መናእሰይ ትግራይ “ንሕና እናሃለና መሬት ትግራይ ብፀላእቲ ኣይድፈርን” ኢሎም ከም ቀፎኡ ዝተተንከፎ ንህቢ፣ ማዕበላዊ ቃልሲ ወሊዖም። ብልዑል ሕራነ ናብ ግምባር ወፊሮም።
ምእንተ ክብርን መንነትን ህዝቦም ተኳሺሖም፤ ህልውናን ድሕንነትን ትግራይ ኣውሒሶም እዮም።

እሞ፣ እቲ ህልውና ትግራይ ዘውሓሰ “ትግራይ ግምባራ ከይውቃዕ” ግምባሩ ዝሃበ፣ ደሙ ዘፍሰሰ፣ ኣካሉ ዝጎደለ መንእሰይ ትግራይ ስለምንታይ ድኣ ኣብዛ እዋን እዚኣ ናብ ስደት ይውሕዝ ኣሎ? ኣብ ዓውደ ውግእ ዘይተማረኸ ንምንታይ ኣብ ፈቖዶ ሊብያን የመንን ብደላሎ ይማረኽ ኣሎ? እቲ ዓዱን ዓውዱን፣እቲ መዳሕንቱ ዝተቐበረላ መረበቱ፣ እቲ ዓዲኣቡኡን ዓዲ እንኡን፣እቲ ዝፈትዎም ስድርኡን መቕርቡን ገዲፉ እግሩ ናብ ዝመርሖ፥ ሞት ከምዘሎ እናፈለጠ፤ እሞ ድማ ክነብረላ ኢሉ ደሙ ዘፍሰሰላ፣ ኣብ ቅድሚ ዓይኑ መስዋእቲ ብፆቱ እናረአየ፣ ሕድሪ ስውኣት ብፆቱ ተቐቢሉ ሕድሮም ከይፈፀመ ናብ ስደት ዘምርሐላ ምኽንያት ብኽልተ ነገር እየ ዝሪኦ” ይብል ነባራይ ከተማ መቐለ መንእሰይ ገብረሚካኤል ኪዳነ፧ “እቲ ሓደ፣ ፀገሙን ድልየቱን ዝርእየሉ መሪሕነት ስለዝሰኣነ፣ በዚ ድማ ሕመቕን ህረፍ ስልጣንን ኣብ መራሕቱ ይዕዘብ ብምህላው እዩ። ገለገሊኡ “እዚ ኩነታት ክሳብ ዝረጋጋዕ ግልስ ክብል” ኢሉ ስደት ይመርፅ ኣሎ።

እቲ ካልኣይ ምኽንያት ድማ “ሰሪሑን ርሂፁን ህይወቱ ክመርሐላ፣ ህይወቱ መሪሑ እውን ዓዱ ከዕብየላ ሃፍታም ትግራይ እናሃለወቶ፥ እቲ ሃፍቲ ኣብ ኢድ ውሑዳትን መን ኣሎ ካባና ወፃእን በሃልቲ ስለዝኣተወ እዩ ዝብል ርድኢት ኣለኒ” ይብል።
በዚ እውን ሰሪሑ ዝበልዐላ ዓዲ፤ ዕድል ስራሕ ስለዘይፈጠረትሉ፡ ይረኸብ ኣይረኸብ ብዘይፈልጦ ‘ስራሕ ኣለዎያ’ ናብ ዝተበሃለ ዓዲ ጓና ክስደድ ይግደድ ኣሎ።

“እቲ ልብኻ ዘድሚ ድማ ናብታ ዝሓሰባ ከይበፅሐ፥ ኣብ በረኻታት ሊብያን የመንን ግዳይ ሞትን ስቅያትን ይኸውን ኣሎ” ይብል ገብረሚካኤል።

እቲ ናሃቱ ሞትን ስቅያትን ከይኣክል፥ ገንዘብ እምበር ሕልና ይኹን ሰብኣውነትን ዘይፈጠረሎም ስሱዓት ኣስገርቲ/ደላሎ፥ ነቲ ክሓልፈለይ ኢሉ ናብ ስደት ዘምርሕ ትግራዋይ፥ ልክዕ ከም ውኻርያን ነብርን ኣብ ፎቖዶ መንገዲ እናሓነቑ ይሕዝዎ ኣለው።

ናብ ስድራ እቶሞ ወገናት ብስልኪ ደዊሎም “ገንዘብ ሃቡ፣ ወድኹም ወይ ጓልኩም ክትረኽቡ ፤ እንተዘየለ ኣብ ኣፍ ሞት ኣሎ” ብምባል ነቲ ወላዲ እናፈራርሑ ዝነበረኦ ንብረቱን ጥሪቱን ኣሽይጦም፥ ኣሽሓትን ሚልዮናትን ዝወስዱ ዘለዉ ሰያጥን ድማ ትዕዘብን ትሰምዕን እሞ ብጓሂ ሕርር ትብል።

ኣብዚ እዋን፥ ወዳን ጓላን ክተድሕን ኣብ ፈቐዶ ኣብያተ ክርስትያንን ዕዳጋን ‘ፃውዒት ሓገዝ’ ዝብል ባነር ኣስሪሓ፣ ናብ ሚሞሪ ‘ድምፂ ሓግዙና’ ብምምላእ ብመጉልሂ ድምፂ እናጋውሐት ለይትን ቀትርን እትልምን ኣዶን ዝልምን ኣቦን ምርኣይ ልሙድ እዩ። እዚ ክትርኢ ከለኻስ “እዛ ትግራይ ከመይ ድያ ጨኪናትልና፣ከመይ ድያ ብሃፍታማ ኣብ ድኽነት ክንነብር፣ ባሕሪ ሰጊርና ናብ ስደት ክነምርሕ ፈሪዳትልና” ኢልካ መልሲ ዘይርከቦምን መላሲ ዘይብሎምን ሕቶታት ክትሓትት ትግደድ” እናበለ ነቲ ኩነታት የብራህርህ።

ብዝኾነ እቲ መሰረታዊ ፀገም ካብ ባዕልና እቲ መሰረታዊ መፍትሒ እውን ካብ ባዕልና እዩ ኢለ እየ ዝኣምን ዝበለ ገብረሚካኤል “ንሕና ብውነ ስለዘየለና፡ መንእሰይና ናብ ዕርብርብ ስደት ይበታተን ኣሎ። ኣነኳ’ስ ፓስ ፖርት ዘየውፃእኹ ኮይነ እምበር ኪድ ኪድ እዩ ዝብለኒ ዘሎ። ምኽንያቱ ክሰርሐሉ ዝግብአኒ ግዜን ሞያን በቲ ዝድለ እናሰራሕኹሉን ለውጢ እናምፃእኹሉን ኣይኮንኩን ዘለኹ” እናበለ ኣብ ዕለታዊ ናብርኡ ዕጉብ ከምዘይኮነ ይገልፅ።

ነባራይ ከተማ ሽረ እንዳስላሰ ዝኾነ መንእሰይ ሰለሞን ግደይ ብወገኑ፧ “ናይ ስደት መንቀሊ ምኽንያት ብዙሕ እኳ እንትኾነ መንእሰይ ትግራይ ንምንታይ ይስደድ ኣሎ? ንዝብል ግን ውሽጣዊ ስእነት ሰናይ ምምሕዳር፣ ቁጠባዊ ቅልውላው ብምህላው ካብዚ ሓሊፉ እውን ኣብ ትግራይ ደመና ኵናት ዘንፀላለዎ ኩነታት ስለዘሎ እዩ ዝመስለኒ” ብምባል ይገልፅ። ብፍላይ ድማ ብሰንኪ ኵናት ዝተመዛበለ ህዝቢ ናብ መረበቱ ስለ ዘይተመለሰ ተስፋ ምቁራፅ ዝወለዶ ክኸውን ይኽእል፤ ዝብል ርድኢት እዩ ዘለኒ” ይብል ሰለሞን።

ካብዚ ብተወሳኺ ድማ ፖሊሲን ስትራተጅን መንግስቲ ትግራይ ንመንእሰይ ትግራይ ሓቋፋይ ዝኾነ ኣሰራርሓን ግልፅነትን ስለ ዘይኽተል እዩ” ኢለ እየ ዝሓስብ። ነዚ ስዒቡ ድማ መንእሰይ ትኹረት ዝገበረ ዕድል ስራሕ ስለ ዘየለን ብሰንኪ ፅንተታዊ ኵናት ዝበፀሐ ናይ ስነልቦና ማህሰይቲ ዝፈጠሮ ኣእምሯዊ ነውፂ ክኸውን ይኽእል” ብምባል ዘለዎ ርእይቶ ይጠቅስ።

ካልእ ካብ መቐለ ዘዘራረብናዮ መንእሰይ ሓጎስ ብርሃነ ብግዲኡ፧ “ከም ዝመስለኒ፥ ተስፋ ህዝብ ኩነታት ኣይኮነን ዝርኢ ዘሎ። እቲ መንእሰይ ዋላ’ኳ ኣብ ዓዱ ክሰርሕን ክልወጥን ድሌት እንተሃለዎ ፤ ሰናይ ምሕደራ የለን ፣ ስርዓተ መንግስቲ የለን።

ሓደሓደ ግዘ “መንእሰይ ንኲናት ጥራሕ ድዩ ዝድለ” ኢልካ ንኽትሓስብ’ውን ትግደድ ኢኻ። ዋላ እዉን ንዓዱ መስዋእቲ እንተኸፈለላ ካብ ፀገም ክትወፅእ ኣይከኣለትን” ይብል ሓጎስ። “ኣብ ኩሉ ከባቢ፥ መንእሰይ ካብ ዝኾነ ይኹን ግዜ ንላዕሊ ተስፋ ቖሪፁ ፣ እንዳለመነ ንዘየድሊ ወልፍታት ሽጋራ ፣ ጫትን ሓሽሽን ተሳጢሑ ኣሎ።

ስለዚ ካብ ኣብ ዓደይ እናጠመኹ ዝመዉት ኣብ በረኻታት ሊብያን ሲናይን ክመዉት ኣለኒ ኢሉ እዩ ዝስደድ ዘሎ። እዚ ከምዚ እንተቐፂሉ ፅባሕ ንትግራይ ከቢድ ዋጋ ከኽፍላ እዩ” ዝብል ስግኣት ከምዘለዎ ድማ ኣትሪሩ ይገልፅ።

እቲ ካሊእ ምኽንያት ዝመስለኒ፥ ዓብዪ ናይ ኢኮኖሚ ኣፈላላይ ኣሎ” ዝበለ ሓጎስ ኣብተን ዝሓለፋ ናይ ፅንተት እዋናት ገሊኡ ብረት ታሓንጊጡ እንትዋጋእ ገሊኡ ብኮንትሮ ፣ ብስርቅን ምጭብርባርን ዝተቐየረ ሰብ ብርክት ዝበለ እዩ። እዚ ዝፈጥሮ ኣሉታዊ ፅልዋ እውን ቀሊል ኣይኮነን” ብምባል ዘለዎ ርድኢትን ትዕዝብትን የካፍል።

ካብ ሊብያ ብስልኪ ዘዘራረብናዮ መንእሰይ ቃልኣብ ዘነበ ብወገኑ፧ “ኣብዚ ሕዚ እዋን ብኣሽሓት ዝቑፀር መንእሰይ ትግራይ ናብ ሊብያ ይውሕዝ ምህላው ከምዝተዓዘበ የረድእ።

ኣብ ሊብያ ንልዕሊ ሓደ ዓመት ብቃላት ዘይግለፅ ኣካላውን ስነልቦናውን ስቓይን መግረፍትን የሕልፍ ከምዘሎ ዝገለፀ ቃልኣብ፡ ናብ ስደት ዝወፅኣሉ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ከምዝስዕብ ይገልፅ፧ ” ስደት ክወፅእ ዘገደደኒ፥ ፀገማት ምስተደራረበኒ እዩ። ብፍላይ ህፃን ወደይ ዝበልዖ ስኢኑ ጠምዩ እናበኸየ ምስርኣኹ ካብዚ ክፉእ ዓይኒ ዝርኢ ኢለ እየ ጨኪነ ወፂአ። ሕሰቦ፣ ኣብ ቅድሚ ዓይንኻ ሓፍትኻ ጠምያ ክትሪኢ፣ ኣዴኻ ንደቃ ተቕርቦ ቁራስ እንጀራ ስኢና ከፊእዋ ክትርኢ ኣብኡ ኮፍ ክትብል ውሽጥኻ ኣየኽእለካን እዩ። ኣነ ጥራሕ ኣይኮንኩን ኣባል TDF ዝነበሩ ውቃዕ ዘለዎም ገና በሰለኦም ዘይሓወዬ ኣብዚ ሊብያ ምሳይ ኣብ ሓደ መረባ ብዙሓት ኣለና። ዝገርመካ ድማ ዋላ ምስዚ ኹሉ ፀገማቶም ሕዚ’ውን “ትግራይ ትግራይ” እዮም ዝብሉ ብፍቕሪ ዓዶም ዝነደዱ እዮም። ነገር ግን ኣሚኖምሉ ዘይኮነስ ዓቕሊ ፅበት እዮም ስደት ወፅዮም። ኣብ ትግራይ ዘሎ ስራሕ ስእነት ዝወለዶ ጥምየትን መከራን ብሓቂ መሰከፊ እዩ” ብምባል ድማ ነቲ ኩነታት ኣምሪሩ ይገልፆ።

ኣብ ሊብያ ዝግበር ግፍዕን መግረፍትን ልዕሊ እቲ ብቪድዮታት ዝዝርጋሕ ምስሊ እዩ ዝበለ ቃልኣብ ኣብዚ ከም ሰብ ዝቖፅረካ የለን፤ እቶም ሸፋቱ ልክዕ ከም እንስሳ እዮም ንገንዘብ ዝሸጡኻ ዝልውጡኻ። ገና ናብዚ ክመፅኡ ንዝሓስቡ መንእሰያት “ንሞት ባዕልኹም ኣይትኺድዋ” ‘መፂእኻ ኤሌትሪክ ከም ምጭባጥ ሕሰብዋ’ እየ ክብሎም ዝደሊ” ብምባል እውን የጠንቅቕ።

ብዙሕ ሰብ ዝደናገረሉ ምኽንያት፥ ገና ካብ ዓዲ ክትብገስ እንተለኻ እቶም ደለልቲ ፀፅቡቑ እንዳነገሩ፣እናተባብዑ እዮም ካብ ዓድኻ ዘውፅኡኻ፣ ብድሕሪኡ ዘሎ ስቓይን መከራን ግን ብቃላት ዘይግለፅ ዘስካሕክሕ ጭካነ ኢኻ ትርኢ። እዚ ኹሉ ሓሊፍካ’ውን ኩሉ ስደት ዝወፅአ ይቐንዖ ማለት ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ ሊብያ 8, 9 ዓመት ገይሮም ብዘይ ገለነገር ኣብ ስደት ዕድሚኦም ወዲኦም ዝመረቱ ኣለው። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ህይወቶም ዝስእኑ ብዙሓት እዮም።

“ነዚ ሓደገኛ ዋሕዚ ስደተኛታት ንምዕጋት ድማ መንግስቲ ኣብ መናእሰይ ዝጠመተ ዕድል ስራሕ ብምፍጣር፥ እንተስ ብውልቀ እንተስ ተወዲቦም፥ መስርሒ ቦታን ልቓሕን ተዋሂቦም ኣብ ዓዶም ንክሰርሑ ባይታ ክመቻቸወሎም ብዘይ ወዓል ሕደር ክስራሕ ኣለዎ” ይብል ቃልኣብ።

ምኽንያቱ ኣብ ዓዲ ጓና ከይድና እውን ስራሕ ኢና’ኮ ክንሰርሕ፥ ምሽቃል ምሽቃሉ ኣብ ዓድኻ ዝመስልዎ የለን፡ ካልእ ይትረፍ ብናፅነት ወፊርካ ስለትኣቱ፣ ንባዕልኻ ተለዊጥካ ድማ ዓድኻ ስለትልውጥ ማለተይ እየ። እዚ እንተዘይኮይኑ፥ ዳርጋ ኩሉ መንእሰይ ናብ ስደት ኣንቂዱ እዩ ዘሎ” ብምባል ሓሳቡ የጠቓልል።

ኣብ ዩኒቨርስቲ መቐለ መተሓባበሪ ክፍሊ መፅናዕቲ ስነ ፍልሰት ኣይተ ሽሻይ ታደሰ ብግዲኦም ድሕሪ ስምምዕ ፕሪቶርያ ኣብ ዝተገበረ መፅናዕቲ ኣብ ዉሽጢ ሓደ ዓመት ልዕሊ 30 ሽሕ መናእሰይ ትግራይ ንዘይሕጋዊ ስደት ከምዝተቓልዑ ኣረዲኦም።

ካብ ሰነ 2015 ክሳብ ሰነ 2016 ዓ.ም ብደረጃ ኢ/ያ ኣብ ዝተገበረ መፅናዕቲ ልዕሊ 108 ሽሕ ብዘይሕጋዊ መንገዲ ከምዝተሰደዱን ካብዚኣቶም እቶም ልዕሊ 30 ሽሕ ማለት እዉን 30 ሚኢታዊ ተጋሩ ምዃኖም ኣይተ ሽሻይ ወሲኾም ኣብሪሆም። ቀንዲ መበገሲ ዘይሕጋዊ ስደት፥ ስእነት ስራሕን ወጥሪ ፖለቲካ ትግራይን እዩ ዝበሉ ኣይተ ሽሻይ 80 ሚኢታዊ ዝኾን መንእሰይ ትግራይ ኣብ ፀገም ከምዝርከብ ገሊፆም።

ሓላፊ ቢሮ ጉዳይ መናእሰይ ትግራይ ኣይተ ሓይሽ ስባጋዲስ ብወገኖም ኣብ 11 ወረዳታት ኣብዚ ሽዱሽተ ወርሒ ማለት እዉን ካብ ሓምለ ክሳብ ሕዳር 2017 ዓ.ም ዝተገበረ መፅናዕቲ 6646 ዝኣኽሉ ወገናት ብዘይ ሕጋዊ መንገዲ ናብ ስደት ከምዝወፁ ገሊፆም።

ኣብ ዝሓለፈ 2015/16 ዓ.ም ኣብ 49 ወረዳታት ትግራይ ዝተገበረ ዳህሳስ ከምዘመላኽቶ 32 ሽሕ ዝኣኽሉ ወገናት ከምዝተሰደዱ ዝገለፁ ኣይተ ሓይሽ ስባጋዲስ እዚ ናይ ሎሚዘበን ኣሃዝ ካብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመት እንትረአ ሓለፋ ከምዘለዎ ጠቒሶም።

ስደት መናእሰይ ትግራይ በቢእዋኑ ሕዚ’ውን እናወሰኸ ይኸይድ ከምዘሎ ዝገለፁ ኣይተ ሓይሽ፥ ኩነታት ፖለቲካ ትግራይ ካብ ግዜ ናብ ግዜ ክመሓየሽ ትፅቢት እናተገበረሉ ብኣንፃሩ ይጋደድ ብምህላው “ዳግም ናብ ኵናት ክንምለስ ኢና” ብዝብል ስግኣት መንእሰይ ብበዝሒ ይስደድ ከምዘሎ ኣረዲኦም።

ብፍላይ ቅድሚ ሕዚ፥ በዝሒ ስደት ዝርኣየለን ከባብታት ዞባ ምብራቕ፣ደቡብ ምብራቕን ደቡብን ትግራይ ከምዝነበራን፥ ኣብዚ ሕዚ እዋን ግና ስደት ዘይርኣየለን ዝነበረ ዞባ ሰሜን ምዕራብ ኣስገደ፣ ፅምብላን ሸራሮን ሓዊስካ ሙሉእ ትግራይ ዝሸፈነ በዝሒ ስደት መናእሰይ ይርአ ምህላው ገሊፆም።

ቢሮ ጉዳይ መናእሰይ ትግራይ ምስ መዳርግቲ ኣካላት ማለት’ውን ምስ ቢሮ ሕርሻ፣ቢሮ ቴክኒክን ሞያን ፈጠራ ዕድል ስራሕን(Tvet)፣ ኤጀንሲ መሬትን መዓድንን፣ ትካላት ኢንዱስትሪ፣ ከምኡ ድማ ልቓሕ ኣብ ምምችቻው ምስ ደደቢትን ኣደዳይን ማይክሮ ፋይናንስ ብምትሕብባር መናእሰይ ማእኸል ዝገበረ ዕድል ስራሕ ብምፍጣር ስደት መናእሰይ ደው ንኽብል ዘኽል ስራሕቲ ይስራሕ ከምዘሎ ሓቢሮም።

ካብዚ ብተወሳኺ መናእሰይ ተረባሕቲ ንምግባር ካብ ዝግበሩ ዘለው ኣብነታዊ ምንቅስቓሳት ‘ሰብዋና መሬት ገባራት’ ግራውቶም ኣብ እዋን ክረምቲ ንሕርሻ ይጥቀምሉ፤ ኣብ እዋን ሓጋይ ድማ መናእሰይ ናይቶም ሓረስቶት ግራውቲ ተኻርዮም ብኤክስካቫተር ማይ ኩዒቶም ብልምዓት መስኖ፥ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣሕምልትን ፍራምረን፣ ከምኡ ድማ ምፍራይ ደርሁን ልምዓት ኣናህብን ዘጠቓለለ ሃፍቲ እንስሳ ኣልሚዖም ንኽጥቀሙ ኣብ ምግባር ካብ ዓሚ ጀሚሩ ዝሓሸ ልምድን ተሞክሮን ከምዘሎ ገሊፆም።

ብፍላይ መስርሒን መንበሪን ቦታ፣ መጠሻ፣ ናብ ከተማ ዝኣተው ከባብታት ንመናእሰይ ብሰፊሑ ንክወሃብ፥ እዚ’ውን ክሳብ ዝቕፅል ሚያዝያ 2017ዓ.ም ክዛዘም ብግዝያዊ ምምሕዳር ውሳነ ወፅዩ ይስራሓሉ ከምዘሎ ሓቢሮም።

ነገር ግን ሓደሓደ መናእሰይ ዋላ መስርሒ ቦታን ገንዘብን እናሃለዎም ነዚ ንጎኒ ገዲፎም ዝነበሮም ገንዘብ ሒዞም ናብ ስደት ዝወፁ መናእሰይ ኣለው። እዚ ንኽገብሩ ዘገድዶም ድማ ብሰንኪ ” ስግኣት ኵናት” ምዃኑ እዩ ዝግመት” ክብሉ እውን ተዛሪቦም።

ብሰንኪ ዘጋጠመ ዘርኢ ኣፅናቲ ኵናት(Genocidal war) ከቢድ ቁጠባዊ ዕንወት ከምዝበፅሐን ናይዚ ውፅኢት ድማ “ብሚልዮናት ዝግመት ስራሕ ኣልቦ መንእሰይ ብምህላው ነዚ ዝኣክል ቁፅሪ ብሓደ ግዜ ዕድል ስራሕ ንምፍጣር ቀሊል ከምዘይኮነ ድማ ጠቒሶም።

መንእሰይ ብኣተሓሳስባ ግንዛብኡ ክሰፍሕን ደረጃ ንቕሓቱ ኽዓቢን ስደት ብምፅያፍ ኣብ ዓዱ ስራሕ ፈጢሩ ተጠቃማይ ንክኸውን ምስ ትካላት ሃይማኖት፣ ሚድያታትን ምግበረ ሰናይ ትካላትን ብምዃን ይስራሕ ከምዘሎ ሓቢሮም።

ብፍላይ ሙሁራት ትግራይ ‘ንስደት መናእሰይ’ ኣጀንዳ ገይሮም መፅናዕትን ምርምርን ብምክያድ ግዝያውን ዘላቕን መፍትሒ ኣብ ምምፃእ ዝተጀመረ ስራሕቲ ከምዘሎን እዚ ተጠናኺሩ ንክቕፅል ዝተዋደደ ኩለንተናዊ ተሳትፎ ከምዝሓትት ኣይተ ሓይሽ ኣገንዚቦም።

ነዛ ዓለም ብልበይ እምበር በዒንተይ ክርእያ ኣይተዓደልኩን። ገና ወዲ 3 ዓመት ህፃን እናሃለኹ እየ ብልሙድ ንፍዮ እናተብሃለ ብዝፅዋዕ ሕማም ብርሃን ዓይነይ ዝሳኣንኩ። እቲ ሕዚ ኣብ ኵናት ትግራይ ዝተሰወአ ምንኣስ ሓወይ እውን ኣብቲ ሽዑ ተሓዛሊ ህፃን እንከሎ ልክዕ ከም ናተይ ኣጋጢምዎ እኳ እንትነበረ፣ ከም ዕድል ኮይኑ ንሱ ብፀበል ሓውዩ ፤ ኣነ ግና ብርሃን ዓይነይ ክምለሰለይ ኣይከኣለን” እናበለ ኩነታት ኣተዓባብይኡ የዘንቱ ።

ፍስሃ ኣረጋይ ተሾመ ኣብ ትግራይ ወረዳ ራያ ኣላማጣ ፍሉይ ቦታ ዶጉያት እዩ ተወሊዱ ዓብዩ። ብሩህ ኣእምሮ ዝተዓደለ ልበ-ብርሃን ምዃኑ ካብቲ ብህድኣት ከዋግዓካ እንተሎ ዝስማዕ ብሱል ሓሳባቱን ርቱእ ኣንደበቱን ቀልጢፍካ ንምርዳእ ግዜ ኣይወስደልካን።

“ካብ ግዜ ቁልዕነተይ ጀሚሩ ንስፖርት ጉያ ፍሉይ ዝንባለን ድሌትን ነይሩኒ። ኣብ 2008 ዓ.ም ኣብ ትግራይ ኣብ ዝተኻየደ መላእ ፀዎታታት ስፖርት ትግራይ እውን ተሳቲፈ ነይረ። ንክልልን ወረዳን ወኪለ ድማ ብናይ ዓይነ ስውራን ውድድር ጉያ ሓፂር ርሕቐት፡ ሜዳልያ ብሩርን ነሓስን ተሸላሚ ብምዃን ዓደይ ኣፀዊዐ እየ” እናበለ ዝነበሮ ሕሉፍ ተዘክሮ ይገልፅ።

ፍስሃ ብ 2013 ዓ.ም ኣብ ዩንቨርስቲ መቐለ ክፍሊ ትምህርቲ ሕግን ስርዓት ምሕደራን (Law and governance) 2ይ ዓመት ተምሃራይ እናሃለወ ብሰንኪ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝተወለዐ ዘርኢ ኣፅናቲ ኵናት’ዩ ትምህርቱ ከቋርፅ ተገዲዱ። ንትምህርቲ ስነዜጋን ስነምግባርን ልዑል ፍቕሪ ከምዘለዎ ዘዋግዐና ፍስሃ፡ ብፍላይ ኣብ ጉዳይ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት (human rights) ንምስራሕ ኣብ ህይወቱ ነዊሕ ራእይን ሕልምን ከምዝነበሮ’ዩ ዝገልፅ። እዚ ኹሉ ርሱን ባህግን ድሌትን፡ ብሰንኪ ዘጋጠመ ዘርኢ ኣፅናቲ ኵናት (Genocidal war) ተኣጓጕሉ ዝተኾለፈ ይመስል።

እዚ ኵናት፡ ሕልሚ ብዙሓት ኣምኪኑ፣ ተስፋ ማእለያ ዘይብሎም ተጋሩ ንበለል ኣትሪፉን እዩ። ፍስሃ እውን ኣብ ልዕሊ ዓይነ-ስውር ምዃኑ ግዳይ ናይዚ ሓሳረ መከራ ኾይኑ ብምፅናሕ፡ ነቲ ዘሕለፎ ፈታኒ እዋን ከምዝስዕብ ይገልፆ። “ኣብ ትግራይ ኵናት ምስበርተዐን ምስሓየለን እቲ ዝመሃረሉ ዝነበርኩ ዩንቨርስቲ መቐለ ምስተዓፀወን ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ተጓዒዘ። ኣብቲ ሽዑ እዋን፡ ኣርባዕቲኦም ኣሕዋተይ ፀላእቲ ክምክቱ ንግንባር ወፊሮም፣ ሰለስቲአን ደቂኣንስትዮ ኣሕዋተይን እታ ከቢድ ዋጋ ከፊላ ዘዕበየትኒ ወላዲት ኣደይን ኣብ ዕፅዋ እየን ነይረን። እንተ ኣነ፡ ኣዲስኣበባ ኾይነ ከምቲ ኩሉ ትግራዋይ ኣብ ጭንቂ ጥሒለ፡ ኣብ ትካዘ ተዋሒጠ እየ ነይረ። ንባዕለይ ንዕለታዊ ምግበይ ክኽእል ካብኡ ሓሊፉ’ውን ነቶም ኣብ ማእኸል ኵናት ተጠጢቖም ሓንሳብ ብጥይት ሓንሳብ ብጥምየት ዝሕለጉ ዝነበሩ ስድራይ፡ ንምሕጋዝ ሓደ መሪር ውሳነ ክውስን ነይሩኒ።

ነዛ ነብሰይ ኣእሚነ፡ ኣብ ማእኸል ጎዶናታት ኣዲስኣበባ ‘ሳሙናን ኦሞን’ ዘርጊሐ ክሸይጥ ጀሚረ። ካልእ ዝሓሸ ነገር ንኽሰርሕ፡ ዓቕሚ ይኹን ኣማራፂ ኣይነበረንን” እናበለ ነቲ ዝነበረ አፀጋሚ ኩነታት የረድእ።

“ኣብዚ ስራሕ ንእሽተይ ግዜ ምስፀናሕኹ ከምኣጋጣሚ ሓንቲ ‘ማርያና’ ዝተብሃለት ኣሜሪካዊት ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ብውልቃ ብሰናይ ፍቓድ ንፅጉማት እናዘረት ትሕግዝ ነበረት’ሞ፣ ቋንቋ እንግሊዘኛ ተርጓሚ ኮይኑ ምስኣ ዝሰርሕ ሰብ ደልያ እናተኣላለሸት እናሃለወት፡ ብቐረባ ዝፈልጡኒ ሰባት ንዓይ ጦቍሞማ፡ ረኺባ ኣዘራሪባትኒ።

“ካብዘን ‘ሳሙናን ኦሞን’ ትረኽቦ ኣታዊ ንእሽተይ ወሲኸ ‘ቋንቋ ምትርጓም’ ምሳይ ከስርሓካ” ዝብል ሕቶ ኣቕሪባትለይ፣ ነዚ ‘ዕድል’ ታይ ዓይነይ ክሓስየሉ ኢለ ሕራይ ኢለያ ተሰማሚዕና፤ ስራሕ ጀሚርና። ወግሐ ፀብሐ፡ ብፍርሕን ስግኣትን ተኸቢቡ ዝነበረ ውሽጠይ ብሓዱሽ ተስፋ ተመልአ።

ነገር ግን ኣብ ቋሕሰም ግዜ፡ ተስፋይ ክቕህም ጀመረ። ክልተ ተለኣኣኽቲ ሓይልታት መንግስቲ ፌዴራል ጥቆማ በፂሕዎም ኣብ ትሕቲ ቁፅፅሮም ኣውዒሎምኒ። “ምስ መንግስቲ ትግራይ ርክብ ኣለካ እዩ”፣ ሓበሬታ ተቐብል ኢኻ ፡ ሓገዛት ትልእኽ ኢኻ” ብዝብል ፀለመ፡ ብመንነተይ ምኽንያት ናብ ዘይፈልጦ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ወሲዶም ደርብዮምኒ። እቲ ንኽዛረቦ ዘሕፍር ድማ ከምዚ ከማይ ዝበሉ ዓይነ-ስውራን (ደገፍቲ ብልፅግና) እዮም ጠቍሞም ኣትሒዞምኒ ” እናበለ ነቲ ዝሓለፈ ጨካን ኣካሒዳ ግዜ ይዝክር።

“እታ ተስርሓኒ ዝነበረት ማርያና ዝተብሃለት ኣሜሪካዊት “ስለምንታይ ትኣስርዎ? ምሳይ ቋንቋ ምትርጓም ጥራሕ እዩ ዝሰርሕ ዘሎ” ኢላ ተዛሪባቶም። ኮይኑ ግና “ንስኺ ዘይትፈልጥዮ ነገር ኣሎ” ኢሎም ክስምዕዋ ኣይከኣሉን። ዝኾነ ዓይነት ገበን ስለዘይረኸቡለይ ድሕሪ ናይ 2 መዓልቲ ማእሰርቲ እታ ኣስራሒተይ ‘ማርያና’ ብዋሕስ ብር 4 ሽሕ ኣፍቲሓትኒ። ስርሐይ እውን ምስኣ ቀፀልኩ።

ሕዚ እውን ነዊሕ ከይፀናሕኹ ድሕሪ ውሱን መዓልታት ንኻልኣይ ግዜ ካልኦት 4 ናይ ፀጥታ ሓይልታት “ንደልየካ ኢና” ኢሎም ብሓይሊ እናጎተቱ ብበትሪ እናደከሩ ብጭካነ ገሪፎምኒ። ኣነ ድማ “ሰሪሐ ዝበልዕ ሰብ እየ፣ “ዓይነ ስውር እየ በጃኹም ኣይትውሰዱኒ” ኢለ ለሚነዮም ኣብዮምኒ። ድሓር በቲ ተግባራቶም ሓሪቐ ” በቃ እሞ ኣይትወስዱንን ወይ ናይ ፖሊስ መፀውዒ ትእዛዝ ወረቐት ኣምፁለይ” ኢለ ምስተኸራኸርኩዎም ሓደ ፖሊስ ብሰደፍ ብረት ኣልዒሉ ኣስናነይ ኣጉሪፉኒ። ኣብ ልዕሊ ብርሃን ዓይኒ ምሰኣነይ፡ ኣስናነይ እውን ኣስኢኑኒ። “ብሓቂ ከምዚ ዓይነት ጭካነ ኣብ ልዕሊ ዓይነ ስውር ዝፍፅም ፍጡር ኣሎ ኢለ ኣይሓስብን ነይረ። ሕዚ ክልቲኡ ላዕለዋይ ስኒ የብለይን፤ ተሸሪፉ እዩ።

ድሕሪ እዚ ኹሉ መግረፍቲ እውን እንትኾነ እናደፍኡን እናወጠጡን ምስ ደመይ እናሃለኹ ናብ ዘይፈልጦ ቤት ማእሰርቲ እዮም ዳጕኖምኒ።

ኣብታ ዝተኣሰርኩላ ፀባብ ክፍሊ ልዕሊ 100 እሱራት ኢና ብሓደ ተፀቓቒጥና ንውዕል ንሓድር ነይርና። ኩልና ብሓደ ተፀፍፂፍና ንኽንድቅስ ቦታ ስለዘይኣኽለና፡ እናተባረና “ገሌና እንተደቂስና” ገሌና ኮፍ ኢና ንብል። እቲ ክላስና ኣብ ልዕሊ ምፅባቡ ሕማቕ ጨና ስለዝነበሮ ንጥዕናይ እውን ከቢድ ነይሩ።

ከምዚ ዓይነት ፍፃመ ኣብ መብዛሕቲኡ ትግራዋይ ከምዝበፅሐ ይፈልጥ እየ፤ ኣባይ ዝኸፍአን ዝተፈለየን ዝገብሮ ግና ምስቲ ዘለኒ ኣካላዊ ፀገም እዩ ነይሩ። እዚ ኣብ ልዕለይ ዝተፈፀመ ግፍዓዊ ማእሰርትን ምንግልታዕን ብዙሓት ተጋሩ ጋዜጠኛታትን ዓበይቲ ሰብ ሞያ ጥዕናን ብቐረባ ዝፈልጥዎ እዩ።

ድሕሪ 4 ወርሒ ናይ ስቓይን ቃንዛን እዋናት ተፈቲሐ። በቲ ዝበፃሓኒ ገሃንም ዘይዳረጎ ማእሰርቲ ምስ ሰንበድኩ ኣብ ሒደት መዓልታት ዝፈትዎ ዓደይ ሓዲገ ካብ ኣዲስኣበባ ብምብጋስ፡ መንገዲ ዝምርሑኒ እሙናት ሰባት ኣላልሸ ምስረኸብኩ ብሞያሌ ኣቢለ ዶብ ሰጊረ ኬንያ ናይሮቢ ኣተኹ። ንህይወተይ ኣብ ሓደጋ ኣእትየ (risk ወሲደ) እየ ናብ ኬንያ ተሰዲደ። እዚ ከይዲ ጉዕዞይ ንኽሰምር ናይ ብዙሓት ወገናት ኣዎንታዊ ግደ ከምዝነበረን ብፍላይ ብሰለስተ ግዱሳት ተጋሩ ዝተገበረለይ ሰብኣውነት ዝተመልኦ ትሕብብርን ሓገዝን ፈፂመ ኣይርስዖን።

ከም ሰብ ሕስብ እንተብሎ፡ እዚ ኹሉ ናይ ስቅያት ጉዕዞ፡ ኣሽንኳይዶ ‘ዓይነ-ስውር’ ኮይንካ ሙሉእ ጥዕና ንዝሓዘ ሰብ እኳስ ንኽትኣምኖ ዝኸብድ፡ ንኽትሰምዖ ዘደንፁን ዘስደምምን እዩ።

ኣብ ኬንያ ካኩማ ዝተወሰነ እዋን ፀኒሐ፡ ኵናት ትግራይ ጠጠው ኢሉ ኣብ ዝነበረሉ ጊዜ “ሰላም እንተድኣኾይኑስ ዓድኻ እዩ ዋና” ኢለ ንትግራይ ተመሊሰ። ኮይኑ ግና ድሕሪ ዝተወሰነ ኣዋርሕ 2ይ ምዕራፍ ኵናት ምስቀፀለ፣ ብፍላይ ኣብቲ ዝነርበኩሉ ከባቢ ራያ ኣላማጣ ደብዳብ ድሮን ምስሓየለን፡ ዳግማይ መረበተይ ሓዲገ ናብ ዩጋንዳ ሃፅ ኢለ ተሰዲደ። ክሳብ ሕዚ ድማ ኣብዚ መፅለሊ ስደተኛታት ዩጋንዳ ፍሉይ ቦታ ‘ናኪባሊ’ ኣዕቝበ ይነብር ኣለኹ።

ኣብዚ ዘለኽዎ፡ ንምዝራቡ ዝኸብድ ዓይነት ሂወት እየ ዘሕልፍ ዘለኹ። ዓይነ-ስውር ኮይንካ ብዘይተስፋን ዕላማን ምንባር ክንደየናይ ከምዘሕምም ዝበፅሖ ጥራሕ እዩ ዝፈልጦ። ሰሪሐ ዝበልዐሉ ዓቕሚ እናሃለወኒ፡ ክምሃረሉ ዝኽእል ዓቕሚን ክእለትን እናሃለወኒ ዘይምዕዳል ኮይኑ ኣብ ፀምፀም በረኻ ኣብ መዓስከር ተደርብየ የሕልፎ ኣለኹ ይብል ፍስሃ።

ኣነ ጥራሕ ኣይኮንኩን፡ ብዙሓት በላሕቲ መናእሰይን ደቂኣንስትዮን ስደተኛታት ተጋሩ ኣብዚ ዘለኽዎ መዓስከር ተስፋ ስኢኖም፡ መፃኢኦም ፀልሚቱ ኣብ ዕንይንይ ይነብሩ ኣለው።

እዚ ጭንቂን ዓቕሊፅበትን ዝወለዶ ድማ መብዛሕትኦም ኣማራፂ ስኢኖም ብዓይነ -ዕሙተይ ገሊኦም ናብ ፎቖዶ ሊብያ ገሊኦም ናብ ሃገራት ኣንጎላን ካልኦትን ክስደዱ ይውዕሉ ኣለው” እናበለ እቲ ሕዚ ዘሎ ህሉው ኩነታት ናይቲ ስደተኛ ኣብ ዘሰክፍን ዘሻቕልን ደረጃ ከምዘሎ ብዝርዝር ትዕዝብቱ ይገልፅ።

ካብዚ ብምብጋስ፡ ነዚ ፀገም ንምቅላልን እታ እንብህጋ ትግራይ ንምግሃድን ኣብ ውሽጢ ዓድን ወፃእን ዝርከቡ ወልቃውን መንግስታውን ኣካላት ምስ ዝምልከቶም መዳርግቲ እሂን ምሂን ኢሎም ብምምኽኻር ተግባራዊ ስጉምቲ ንክወስዱ ትካል ኦምና ትግራይ የተባብዕ።

ኣብ ትግራይ ፍልጠት መሰረት ዝገበረ ሳይንሳዊ መፅናዕቲታት ብምክያድ ፀገም ማሕበረሰብ ዝፈትሕ መሃዝን ተመራማርን ንቑሕን ምዕቡልን ወለዶ ንኽህነፅ፡ ንፅባሕ ዘይባሃል ናይ ተጋሩ ሓባራዊ ውራይ ተገይሩ ክስራሕ እውን ኦምና ትግራይ ፃውዒት የቕርብ።

Tigray’s ongoing economic, political, and humanitarian crises, which have persisted since the outbreak of the genocidal war in 2020, highlight the Ethiopian government’s deliberate destruction and systemic neglect of Tigray. The region’s dire financial situation underscores its people’s broader struggle for justice, equity, and survival. The refusal to provide adequate resources is symptomatic of the Ethiopian government’s broader strategy of economic warfare, punitive policies, and continued efforts to strangle Tigray, even in the post-active genocidal war period. In this article, I outline the financial and human destruction during the genocidal war and post-Pretoria Agreement, describing how the physical destruction of the region’s infrastructure and economic potential is compounded by the Ethiopian government’s fiscal and budgetary neglect of the region. The article concludes with a call to the international community.

Genocidal War in Tigray

The active genocidal war on Tigray (2020-2022) by the Ethiopian government and its allies was characterized by unprecedented atrocities, destruction, and human suffering. The Ethiopian government, alongside its allies, waged a genocidal campaign targeting Tigrayans through massacres, widespread weaponized sexual violence, weaponized starvation, and systematic destruction of cultural heritage and infrastructure. Schools, hospitals, factories, and marketplaces were deliberately destroyed and bombed, crippling the region’s ability to sustain itself. 

Starvation was weaponized as a tool of war by the invading forces. Millions of Tigrayans were cut off from humanitarian aid, while agricultural destruction, including the burning of agricultural fields, slaughtering of livestock, and looting and destruction of farming equipment, was enacted. These were not isolated acts but deliberate strategies designed to annihilate the region’s capacity for self-reliance. 

The Ethiopian government’s financial blockade on Tigray during the genocidal war was a calculated act of economic warfare. Banks were shut down, budgetary allocations frozen, and communications severed, effectively isolating Tigray from the rest of the country and the international community. This, in addition to causing isolation, was done to destroy the economy. In fact, key figures aligned with the genocidal regime pompously made statements about successfully returning Tigray’s economy to what it was 30 years before: into shambles.

Post-Pretoria Agreement 

Following the November 2022 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) in Pretoria, South Africa, a silencing of the guns between the Ethiopian Federal Government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front was achieved. Pursuant to the Pretoria Agreement and subsequent Nairobi Declaration, the people of Tigray were left to grapple with the aftermath of this devastation.

Tigray’s agricultural sector, once the backbone of its economy, has been decimated. Farmers face severe shortages of seeds, fertilizers, and tools, while millions have been displaced from their land by the ongoing illegal and forceful occupation of Tigrayan territories by invading Eritrean and Amhara forces. In fact, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) reported that: “Tigray region…hosts the highest number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), primarily due to conflict.” Further, according to the World Food Programme (WFP), only 40 per cent of the estimated need for food aid in Tigray can be met [in 2025]. In addition, in occupied territories (approximately over 40% of Tigray’s land), aid is severely restricted and atrocity crimes continue. 

Civil servants, including teachers and healthcare workers, went unpaid for over two years, resulting in the collapse of public services. Schools closed, clinics ceased operations, and families were driven into extreme poverty. By December 2023, over 900 healthcare professionals (4.5% of the workforce), including 86 specialists and 150 general practitioners, resigned and left the region, according to Dr. Fisseha Ashebir, chairman of the Tigray Association of Health Professionals. This exodus compounded an already dire situation, leaving children without education, patients without care, and families without hope. The Ethiopian government’s deliberate withholding of resources has turned everyday survival into a monumental struggle for Tigrayans. 

The Budget Allocation Formula: A Tool of Marginalization 

In light of this destruction, budget allocations for Tigray remain grossly inadequate, ignoring the region’s unique needs as it attempts to rebuild unoccupied areas from the ashes of the genocidal war. 
The Ethiopian government’s budget allocation formula, based solely on population size, fails to account for the extraordinary circumstances faced by Tigray, a region already devastated by a genocidal war. For the 2024/25 fiscal year, Tigray has been allocated just 13 billion birr—a figure that pales in comparison to the scale of the deliberate destruction and the resources required for recovery.

Senior officials within the TIRA have criticized this formula as blind to the realities on the ground. Desta Bezabih, a prominent leader in the administration, has noted that this allocation treats Tigray as though the war never happened, ignoring the region’s unique needs and the federal government’s responsibility to address them.

This budgetary neglect perpetuates Tigray’s marginalization within Ethiopia’s federal system, forcing the region to rebuild with minimal resources while grappling with ongoing challenges such as non-payment of civil servants, displacement, food insecurity, and the presence of hostile forces including Amhara and Eritrean forces.

The Role of the International Community

The international community has a moral and legal obligation to hold the Ethiopian government accountable for its actions. The Pretoria Agreement cannot succeed without robust international oversight to ensure its full implementation, including the withdrawal of non-federal forces from Tigray (Article 2.1 (d)) according to the Declaration in Nairobi and the restoration of essential services (Article 7 Sub-Article 2(b)) according to the Agreement in Pretoria.

Donor countries and international organizations must pressure Ethiopia to provide adequate financial support to Tigray as restitution, not just charity or loan. Humanitarian aid alone is not enough; what Tigray needs is justice and the resources to rebuild its economy and society.

Human rights organizations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have documented the economic and humanitarian crimes committed against Tigray. These reports must serve as a basis for international advocacy, demanding accountability and reparations for the people of Tigray.

A Struggle for Justice and Survival

Tigray’s fight for financial justice is about more than money—it is about survival, dignity, and the right to rebuild after enduring unimaginable suffering. The Ethiopian government’s refusal to provide adequate resources is not only a betrayal of the Pretoria Agreement but also a continuation of the systemic oppression that has plagued Tigray since the rise of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party.

For the people of Tigray, this struggle is far from over. It is a battle for justice, and the opportunity to heal and rebuild. The international community must stand with Tigray in demanding justice and accountability from the Ethiopian government. Anything less would be a failure to uphold the principles of the Pretoria Agreement, and indeed, that of humanity, peace, and reconciliation.

ናይ ፅባሕ ተረከብቲ ዓዲ ዝኮኑ ሰብ ክንደይ ሕልምን ራእይን ህፃውንቲ ትግራይ ኣእዛኖም ኣብ ክንዲ ናይ ቤት ትምህርቲ ደወል ናይ ድሮንን መዳፍዕን ድምፂ ከዘውትር ክንዲ ምርኣይ ዘሕምም የለን።
ብ’ተመን’ያ ዝሰንበደስ ብልሕፂ ተድሃለ’ ከምዝበሃል፡ ሎሚ ድምፂ መኪና ሰሚዖም “ደብዳቢት ኣየር መፀትና” እናበሉ ብስንባደ ናብ ትሕቲ ዓራት ዝጎይዩ ህፃውንቲ እልፊ ኣእላፍ እዮም።
ብኣቆፃፅራ ፈረንጂ ሕዳር 2020 ኣብ ትግራይ ብሰንኪ ዝተፈፀመ ኣዕናዊ ደማዊ ኵናት፡ ኣብ ነፍሰወከፍ ትግራዋይ ዘይተነግረ እምበር ዘይተገብረ ግፍዒ የለን።
ልዕሊ 1 ሚልዮን ዝኣኽሉ ወገናት ንሞት፡ ብቁፅሪ ንምግላፁ ዘሰክፍ በዝሒ ህዝቢ ትግራዋይ ድማ ኣይማዩ ኣይሰማዩ ኣደዳ ስቓይ፣ ስደትን ምንግልታዕን ኮይኑ፡ ኩሉ ዓይነት መከራ ኣተኣናጊዱ።

እቲ ንስደት ጋሻ ዝኾነ፡ እንታይነት ስደት’ኳ ዘይፈልጥ ትግራዋይ፡ግፍዕን በደልን ምስመረሮ፡ ገሊኡ ደቁ ሓንጊሩ ገሊኡ ብዓይነ-ዕሙተይ እግሩ ነናብ ዝመርሖ ዞጓሕ ክብል ክንከራተት፡ እታ እንካ እምበር ሃባ ዘይትፈልጥ ኣዶ ትግራይ፡ ፎቖዶ ጎደናታት ኢዳ ንልመና ክትዝርግሕ ዝገበረ ጨካን ግዜ ነይሩ።
ኣብቲ ሽዑ ግዜ ፡ ትግራዋይ ነታ ብመከራን ፀበባን ተኸቢባ፡ ኣብ ኢድ ሓረድቲ ዝወደቐት ህይወቱ ንምድሓን፡ ዝፈትዎ ሙውቕ ገዝኡ፣ ዓዱን መረበቱን ሓዲጉ ናብ ጎረባብቲ ሃገራት ሱዳን፣ኬንያ፣ ዩጋንዳን ካልኦትን ከም ደቂ ዛግራ ፋሕ-ጭንግራሕ ኢሉ ንኽብተን ተገዲዱ።
ነዚ ስዒቡ፡ ኣብዚ ሕዚ እዋን ኣብ ሱዳን ልዕሊ ስሳ ሽሕ፣ ኣብ ኬንያን ዩጋንዳን ድማ ልዕሊ ክልተ ሽሕ ዝኣኽሉ ተጋሩ ስደተኛታት ኣዕቝቦም ይርከቡ።
ትግራዋይ ኣብተን ዘዕቖበለን ዓድታት፡ ዝሓሸ ንፋስ ሰላም ዋላ’ኳ እንትረኸበ ነገር ግን ብሕሱም ስደት ማሲኑን ተጎሳቝሉን ሕዚ’ው ንከቢድ ስነ-ኣእምሯዊ ጭንቀት ተሳጢሑ ኣብ ሰንፈላል ህይወት ይነብር ኣሎ።

1. ሕሉፍ ኣእምሯዊ በሰላ፦
“ኣብቲ ተኣሲርናሉ ዝነበርና ግዜ ኣብ ሓንቲ ፀባብ ክፍሊ ልዕሊ ሳላሳ ሰብ ኢና ነይርና። ሕዱር ሕማም ዝነበሮም ሰባት ኣብ ቅድሜና ክሞቱ ንቡር እዩ ነይሩ።ብጭንቀት ነብሱ ከጥፍእ ዝሓስብ ሰብ ቁፅሪ ኣይነበሮን። ኣብቲ ሽዑ ግዜ ነቶም ምሳና ሓዲሮም ንጉሆ ሬሴኦም ተጎቲቱ ዝወጹ ዝነበሩ ተጋሩ ክዝክሮ ከለኹ ሕጂ ኾይኑ እዩ ዝርኣየኒ፤ ክሳብ ሎሚ ካብ ድቃሰይ እየ ዝብህርር።” ይብል ኣብ ኣዋሽ ኣርባ ተኣሲሩ ዝነበረ ሕዚ ኣብ ዩጋንዳ ዘዕቖበ ዳዊት ዘነበ ዝተብሃለ ትግራዋይ።
“ወረርቲ ሓይልታት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢን መሬትን ትግራይ ኩሉ ዓይነት ዕንወት፣ ብርሰትን ፅንተትን እዮም ፈፂሞም።
ኮነ ተባሂሉ ህዝብና ጥይትን ጥምየትን እናተበራረዩ ከማስንዎ ተገይሩ” ይብል ዳዊት።
ኣብ መላእ ሃገር ብፍላይ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ዝነበሩ ተጋሩ ብመንነቶም ክጋፍዑን ክእሰሩን ብምግባር ንዓመታት ብደመ-ርሃፆም ዘጥረይዎ ንብረቶም ብፀሓይ ቀትሪ ብጉሒላታት ተወሪሩ። ታሪኽ ይቕረ ዘይብሎ ግፍዒን ክሕደትን ተፈፂምዎ።
እቲ ኩናት ዝሓደጎ ፀሊም በሰላ ንብዙሓት ስደተኛታት ሕዱር ቃንዛ ኾይኑ ሕዚ’ውን ኣብ ዕለታዊ ህይወቶም ከቢድ ስነልቦናዊ ሃሰያ የብፅሕ ኣሎ።

2. ፋይናንሳዊ ፀገም፦ ኣብ ስደት ንጭንቀት ካብ ዘቃልዑ ነገራት ፋይናንሳዊ ፀገም ልዑል ብፅሒት ዝሓዘ’ዩ። እዚ ድማ ኣብቲ ስደተኛታት ዘዕቖብሉ ጎረቤት ሃገር ምስ ዘሎ ምኽባር ናብራ ዝተኣሳሰር እዩ። ብፍላይ ኣብ ከተማ ዝነብሩ ስደተኛታት ብሰንኪ ምኽባር ክራይ ገዛን ጠለባት ምግብን፡ መዓልታዊ ይኹን ወርሓዊ ወፃኢታቶም ምሽፋን ኣብዩዎም ከንፀርፅሩ ምርኣይ ዝተለመደ እዩ።
ካብ ከተማ ርሒቖም ኣብ መዓስከራት ዝቕመጡ ስደተኛታት ድማ ኣብ ሓደ መፅለሊ ቴንዳ ተኣጕዶም ዝነብሩ ብምዃኖም ንዝተፈላለዩ ናይ ጥዕና ፀገማት ዝተቓልዑ እዮም። ዝኾነ ሕማም እንተጋጥሞም ድማ “ብሰንኪ ሕፅረት ፋይናንስ ዋሕዲ ቀረብ መድሓኒትን ‘ግቡእ ሕክምና’ ኣይንረክብን” ይብሉ።
ካብዞም ናይዚ ፀገም ተኻፈልቲ ሓደ ዝኾነ ኣብ ኬንያ መዕቖቢ ስደተኛታት ‘ካኩማ’ ዝርከብ ያሲን መሓመድ ዝተብሃለ ትግራዋይ “ስደት ንኽመርፅ ዝተገደድኩሉ ምኽንያት ኣብቲ ሽዑ እዋን ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ሽሮሜዳ ዝነበረ ዳ’ጥልፍን ባህለዊ ክዳውንትን ትካለይ፡ ብመንነተይ ምኽንያት ምስተዓሸገ፣ ማእሰርትን ምንግልታዕን ተጋሩ ምስሓየለን ዓይነይ ዓሚተ ስደት ወፂአ።
ናብ ስደት ከምርሕ ከለኹ ብዓልቲ ቤተይን ክልተ ደቀይን ሒዘ እየ ተበጊሰ።ኣብ ኬንያ በፂሐ ናብ መዕቆቢ ስደተኛታት ካኩማ ምስኣተኹ ግን ነገራት ፅቡቕ ኣይፀንሑናን። ካብ ዓደይ ክብገስ ከለኹ፡ ዝኮነ ስራሕ ክሰርሕ እየ ዝብል እምነት ሒዘ እየ ተላዒለ ነይረ። ኣብዚ ዓዲ ግን ኣይኮነን ስራሕ፡ ናይ ስራሕ ወረ እውን ኣይትሰምዕን ብፍላይ ድማ እንድሕር መበገሲ ዘይብልካ ኣዝዩ ኸቢድ እዩ። ስለዚ ድማ ምስ ደቀይን ብዓልቲ ቤተይን ኣብ ዝሓመቀ ኹነታት ናብራ ወዲቕና ንርከብ። ኣብ ቀረባ እዋን ንባዕለይ ሓዊሱ ህፃውንቲ ደቀይን በዓልቲ ቤተይን ዓሶ ሓሚምና ሕክምና ንምርካብ ኣፀጋሚ ነይሩ።
ከም ወላዲ ሕስብ ክተብሎ እንከለኻ፡ ስኣን መሕከሚ ገንዘብ፡ ደቅኻ ኣብ ቅድሚ ዓይንኻ ሓሚመን ከም ምርኣይ ዘጉሂ የለን። ዘለናዮ ቦታ ኣዝዩ ሙቖት ዝዓብለሎ ብምዃኑ ንዓሶ ዝተቓልዐ ከባቢ እዩ። ብተደጋጋሚ ኢና ዓሶ ንሓምም ” ብምባል ነዚ ኣብ ስደት ዘጋጥም ዘሎ ሕማምን ፋይናንሳዊ ፀገምን ብኣንደበቱ ኣምሪሩ ይገልፆ።

ከምኒ ዓለምለኻዊ ፕሮግራም ምግቢ ዓለም (WFP) በቢእዋኑ ናብ ስደተኛታት ሓገዝ ምግቢ ዘቕርቡኳ እንትኾኑ ነገር ግን ኣብ መዓስከር ንስደተኛ ዝወሃብ ምግቢ ብዓይነትን ኣቀራርባን ፅሬቱ ዘይሓለወ ብምዃኑ ብፍላይ ኣብ ጥዕና ህፃናት ዘስዕቦ ሓደጋ ቀሊል ከምዘይኮነ ይገልፅ ያሲን።
ካብዚ ብተወሳኺ ኣብ ዩጋንዳ ዝርከብ መዕቆቢ ስደተኛታት ‘ናኪባሊ’ ዘፅለሉ ብዙሓት ተጋሩ ኣለው።
ካብ ሞንጎ እዚኣቶም ‘ጣዕሞ ነጋ’ ዝተብሃለት ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ብሕማም ኪንታሮት፣ ከምኡ ድማ ‘ብርሃነ ኣብርሃ’ ዝብሃል መንእሰይ ብሕማም ሽኮርያ ልዕሊ ዓቐን እናተሳቐዩ ይርከቡ። እዞም ሕማማት እዚኦም ክሓውዩ ዝኽእሉ ሕማማት ዋላኳ እንተኾኑ ነገር ግን እቲ ዝበልዕዎ ምግቢ ፅሬት ዘይብሉ ስለዝኾነ ንዕኡ ዘጋድድ እምበር ዘድሕን ከምዘይኮነ ይዛረቡ።
ናብ ሕክምና ከይከዱ ወይ ምግቢ ገዚኦም ከይበልዑ ድማ ገንዘብ ስለዘይብሎም ኣብ ከቢድ ስቓይ ከምዝርከቡን ማዕልቲ ካብ መዓልቲ እናብኣሶም ይኸይድ ምህላዎሙን ይገልፁ።
ንግልጋሎት ሕክምና ዝውዕል ካብ ትካል ውድብ ጥዕና ዓለም (WHO) ብርክት ዝበለ መድሓኒታት ናብ መዓስከር ስደተኛታት ከምዝልኣኽን ይኹን እምበር ብዘይተፈለጠ ምኽንያት እቲ መድሓኒታት ኣብ መዓልኡ ከምዘይውዕልን ንብልሽውና ዝተቓልዐ ኣሰራርሓታት ከምዘሎን የረድኡ። ነዚ ድማ ዝምልከቶ ላዕለዋይ ኣካል በቢእዋኑ ኽከታተሎን ክግምግሞን ይግባእ ዝብል ለበዋ ኣመሓላሊፎም።

3. ትፅቢትን ክውንነትን፦
“ካብ ዓደይ ንስደት ከምርሕ ከለኹ ዝሓሸ ነገር ንምርካብ እዩ ነይሩ። ካብቲ ዘዕቖብኩሉ ዓዲ እውን ቀልጢፈ ንዓደይ ክምለስ ወይ ንደገ ናይ ምውፃእ መደብ እየ ሒዘ መፂአ ነይረ።ይኩን እምበር ኣብ ዓደይ ኮይነ ዝሓሰብክዎን ኣብዚ መፂኤ ዝረኸብክዎን ግን ሰማይን ምድርን እዩ ኾይኑኒ። ብፅባሕ ሎሚ እነሆ ሕዚ ሰለስተ ዓመተይ ኣሕሊፈ። ሓደ ሓደ እዋን ናይ ምንታይ እዩ እቲ ፀገም ክርዳኣኒ ኣይክእልን። ኣብ ዝኸድናዮ ቢሮታት ኩሉ ብግቡእ ኣይንትኣናገድን። ብዙሕ ምጉታት እዩ ዘጋጥመና ዘሎ።
ናይ ፅባሕ ህይወተይ፣መፃኢየ እንታይ ከምዝኾነ እውን ዳርጋ ኣይፈልጥን። ሕዚ ግን ንመናበሪ ኢለ ሻሂ ቡን ይሸይጥ ኣለኹ።” ትብል ሓንቲ ካብቶም ትፅቢትን ክውንነትን ዝተዛብዕዋ ኣብ ዩጋንዳ ካምፓላ ትርከብ ትግራወይቲ ፍዮሪ ደሳለ።
“እቲ ስደተኛ ፣ ብዛዕባ ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ዝምልከቶም ከም UNHCR ዝበሉን ካልኦ ዓለም ለኻዊ ትካላት ገበርቲ ሰናይን ብዝግባእ ክቕበልዎን ከተኣናግዱዎን ዝነበሮም ልዑል ትፅቢት በቲ ዝድለ ኣይኮነን።
ከም ተጋሩ እቲ ነሕልፎ ዘለና፡ ‘ስቓይ ዝተመልኦ ዓመታት’ ክሳብ ክንድዚ ክነውሕን ክመርርን ፈፂምና ኣይተፀበናዮን በዚ ድማ ተጋሩ ስምዒትና ተጎዲእና ኢና” እናበለት ትዛረብ ፍዮሪ ደሳለ።
መብዛሕትኡ ስደተኛ፡ ናይ ፅባሕ መዋፅኦን መዕለቢን ህይወቱ ታይ ክኸውን ከምዝኽእል ስለዘይፈልጥ ብዘይ ዕረፍቲ ዘጨንቖን ዘተሓሳስቦን ጉዳይ ኮይኑ’ሎ።

ብUNHCR ይኹን ብኻልኦት መዳርግቲ ትካላት(Partners) ዝግበሩ ደገፋት እውን ብመንፅር ዝወስዶ ግዘን ኣሳልጦን እንትርአ ዘዕግብ ከምዘይኮነ ኩሉ ስደተኛ ዝሰማመዐሉ ሓሳብ እዩ።
ናይዚ ምኽንያት ድማ ዓለምለኻዊ ትካል ስደተኛታት UNHCR ናይ ሚልዮናት ስደተኛታት ጉዳይ ዘተኣናግድ ዓቢዪ ትካል ብምዃኑ ጉዳያት ክምርምርን ክግምግምን ነዊሕ ግዘ ዝወስደሉ ምዃኑ እዩ ዝግለፅ።

ኣብ ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ዝነጥፉ ዝተፈላለዩ መዳርግቲ ትካላት (Partners of UNHCR) ዝኾኑ ከም፣ ኣውሮፓ ህብረት(ECHO)፣ ትካላት መንግስቲ ኣሜሪካ (USAID)፣ መደብ ልምዓት ሕቡራት ሃገራት(UNDP)፣ ኣህጉራዊ ትካል ስደት(IOM) ከምኡ ድማ
International Rescue Committee (IRC) ካልኦትን ዝኣመሰሉ ትካላት ድማ ንስደተኛታት ዝህብዎ ግልጋሎት ስሉጥን ፅፉፍን መስርሕ (system) ዘይተኸተለ ብምዃኑ ኣዝዩ ዝተሓላለኸን ዝተጓተተን ግልጋሎት ከምዝወሃቦምን ኣብ ገለ ወቕትታትውን ሓገዝ ከምዘይረኽቡ እቶም ስደተኛታት ይገልፁ።

4. ማሕበራ ተነፅሎ(social Isolation ) እቲ ስደተኛ ካብ ዝፈትዎ መሬት ዓዱ፣ወለዱ፣ደቁን ኣሕዋቱን ተፈልዩ ዝነብር ብምዃኑ ብናፍቖትን ሻቕሎትን እናተሓመሰ ዝነብር እዩ። ኣብ ስደት እናሃለወ፣ ብሰንኪ ኵናት ካብ ዓዱ መርድእ ኣሕዋቱን ወለዱን ዝሰምዐ ብዙሕ እዩ። ናይ ስደት ፀገሙ ከይኣኽሎ ተደራቢ ሓዘናት የተኣናግድ ኣሎ። ኣብ ዓዲ ስደት ኣጆኻ ኢሉ ዘፀናንዕ ሰብ ዘይብሉ፣ገዛ ዓፅዩ በይኑ ዝነብዕ ብዙሕ’ዩ።
እዚ ድማ ብስነልቦና ተሃስዩ፡ ዓርሱ ክፀልእን ፅምዋ (ብሕታውነት) ክስምዖን ይገብሮ ኣሎ።

5. ፀገም ምልከት ቋንቋን ስእነት ስራሕን፦
እቲ ስደተኛ ኣብቲ ዘዕቖበሉ ዓዲ ተንቀሳቒሱ ሰሪሑ ኸይበልዕ ስእነት ስራሕ ብሰፊሑ የጋጥሞ’ እዩ። ብፍላይ ምስ ፀገም ክእለት ቋንቋ እንግሊዘኛ ተኣሳሲሩ ውሑዳት ዘይበሃሉ ስደተኛታት ኣብቲ ዘለውዎ ቦታ ብቐሊሉ ስራሕቲ ንምስራሕ ይፅገሙ እዮም።
ካብዚ ብተወሳኺ ናብ UNHCR ኮነ ካልኦት ንስደተኛ ዝምልከቶም ቢሮታት ብኣካል ከይዶም ዝበፅሖም ፀገምን መከራን ብቋንቋ እንግሊዘኛ ብዝግባእ ኣብራህሪሆምን ኣረዲኦምን ጉዳዮም ከፈፅሙ ዘይምኽኣል ዕንቅፋታት ኣሎ።
እዚ ከምዚ እናሃለወ፡ ዝበዝሕ ስደተኛ ትግራዋይ፡ኣብ መንእሰይ ብርኪ ዕድመ ዝርከብ ብምዃኑ መብዛሕትኡ ግዘ ካብዚ ጭንቀት ንምህዳም ክብል ኣብ ዘየድሊ መስተን መዐወኒ ወልፍታትን ተፀሚዱ ዝውዕል ዝሓድር ብዙሕ እዩ።

6. ስግኣት ፀጥታን ድሕንነትን፦
“ንሕና ጋዜጠኛታት ኢና።ፍሉይ ክትትልን ሓለዋን ክግበረልና ነይርዎ። ይኹን እምበር እቲ ዘጋጠመና ንምእማኑ ዘጸግም እዩ።ዓዲ ሰላም እዩ ኢልና ኣብ እንቀሳቀሰሉ እዋን ብከተርቲ እቶም ደቂ ዓዲ ንብረትና ተወሪርና ኣካልና ተሃሲና ኢና። እዚ ዜና እዚ ድማ በብመዓልቱ ምስማዕ ንቡር እዩ። ብዙሓት ህይወቶም ዝስእኑ ኣለው። ንብረት ዝውሰዶም እሞ መቁጸሪ የብሎሙን። ሰብ፡ ጸጥታን ድሕንነትን ደልዩ ተሰዲቱ፡ ክስእን ከሎ ድማ ኣዝዩ ኸቢድ እዩ።” ይብሉ ኣብ ሃገረ ዩጋንዳ ከተማ ካምፓላ ተዓቝቦም ዝነበሩ፡ ደሓር ናብ ትግራይ ዝተመለሱ “ንድሕንነትና ክብሃል ስምና ይተዓቀበልና” ዝበሉ ክልተ ነባር ጋዜጠኛታት ትግራይ።
ኣብ ጎረቤት ሃገር ሱዳን ዘሎ ልዕሊ 60 ሽሕ ስደተኛ ትግራዋይ’ውን እንትኾነ ኣብ ውሽጢ እታ ሃገር በቢእዋኑ ብዝፍጠር ኵናት- ሕድሕድ ነቲ ስደተኛ ብቐጥታ ድሕንነቱ ዝፀልዎን ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘውድቖን እዩ።
ከምኡ ድማ ብሓደጋታት ባርዕ፣ ንፋስን ውሕጅን ተደጋጋሚ መፅለሊ ስደተኛታት ንሓደጋ ክቃላዕ ልሙድ ክስተት እዩ።
ብፍላይ ምስ ስግኣት ፀጥታ ተኣሳሲሩ፡ ጉዳዮም ተፀኒዑ ፍሉይ ከለላ (protection) ዘድልዮም፡ ማለት’ውን ኣብ ዓዶም እናሃለው ብዝነበሮም ልዑል ሞያዊ ስራሕን ሓላፍነትን ንሓደጋ ተቓላዕቲ ዝኾኑ ዓበይቲ ስደተኛታት፡ ቅልጡፍ ከለላ ብዘይምርካቦም ድሕንነቱ ኣብ ዘይተሓለወ ቦታ ነዊሕ ዓመታት ንኽነብሩ ይግደዱ ኣለው።
ብርክት ዝበለ ትግራዋይ ድሕንነቱ ንምውሓስ ኢሉ ናብ ጎረባብቲ ሃገራት እንትስደድ ኣብተን መዓስከራት ብዘለዉ፡ ኣብ ዓዱ እንከሎ ዝሃድንዎን ዝኣስርዎን ዝነበሩ ደሓር’ውን ንኽስደት ምኽንያት ብዝኾኑ ልኡኻት ፀላእቲ፡ ቀሊል ዘይበሃል ስግኣትን ምፍርራሕን ይበፅሖ እዩ።
ንኣብነት ካብ መዓስከር ሱዳን ንድሕንነቱ ክብል ስሙ ዘይገለፀልና ‘ሓደ ነባር ተጋዳላይ ኮሎኔል’፡ ከምዝስዕብ ይብል።
“ከምዝፍለጥ ኣብ ጎሮባብቲ ሃገራት ዘለና ስደተኛታት ተጋሩ ምስ ደገፍቲ ስርዓት መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ኤርትራን ስደተኛታት ተሓዋዊስና ኣብ ሓደ መዓስከር ንነብር ብምህላውና ሕዚ ውን ግዜን ቦታን እንተረኺቦም፡ ፀላእቲ ብሰለልቶምን ተላኣኣኽቶምን ኣቢሎም ሓደጋ ከብፅሑልና እዮም ኢልና ኢና ንጭነቕ ብምባል ኣብቲ ስደተኛ ዘሎ ስግኣት ይገልፅ።
“በዚ ምኽንያት ከምድላይና ብናፅነት ክንቀሳቐስ ንግደብ ኢና ብምባል ዘለዎ ስግኣቱ የጠናኽር።
ነዚ አተሓሳሳቢ ጉዳይ ከም በዓል ትካል ቀይሕ መስቀል (IRC)፣ዓለም ለኸ ትካል ስደተኛታት (UNHCR) ዝበሉ ትካል ስደተኛታትን ከምኡ ድማ ኣብ ዳያስፖራ ዘለው ውዳበታት ኮሚነቲ ትግራይን ብትኹረት ክከታተልዎን፣ልዑል ስግኣት ዘለዎም ሰባት ብፍሉይ ተፀኒዖም ቀልጢፎም ናብ ድሕንነቱ ዝተሓለወ ቦታ ዝዘዋወርሉ ዕድል ንክመቻቸወሎም ድማ ለበዋ ኣቕሪቡ።
ካብዚ ብተወሳኺ ብመሰረት ውዕል ፕሪቶሪያ ተመዛበልቲ ስደተኛታት ቀልጢፎም ናብ መረበቶም ክምለሱ ዝምልከቶ ኣካል ብትኹረት ክሰርሕ ይግባእ ዝብል መልእኽቲ ኣመሓላሊፎም እቶም ስደተኛታት።

7. ባህሊ ዝፈጥሮ ፅዕንቶ ፦
ስደት ንትግራዋይ ሓድሽ ምስቲ ምኳኑ ብዙሓት ተጋሩ ክደናገሩ ምርኣይ ልሙድ እዩ። ሓደ ማሕበረሰብ ነውርን ንቡርን ዝፈልየሉ ናይ ባዕሉ ባህላዊ ክብርታት ኣለዎ። ኣብ ሓንቲ ሃገር ነውሪ(ውጉዝ) ዝኾነ ኣብ ካልእ ሃገር ንቡር(ፍቑድ)ክኸውን ይኽእል። ንኣብነት ኣብ ትግራይ መዐወኒ ወልፍታት ከምኒ ዕፀ ፋርስ፣ ሽሻ ሓሽሽን ካልኦትን ፍቑድ ኣይኮነን። ኣብዘን ጎረቤት ሃገራት ድማ ሰባት ብቅሉዕ ኾነ ብሕቡእ ብበዝሒ ክጥቀሙሉ ዳርጋ ልሙድ እዩ። እዚ ድማ ነቲ ሓዱሽ ስደተኛ ትግራዋይ ኣብ ህይወቱ ዝፈጥረሉ ኣሉታዊ ፅልዋ ቀሊል ኣይኮነን።

‘ከም መፍትሒ ዝተቐመጡ መበገሲ ሓሳባት’

ነዞም ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተገለፁ ፀገማት ብዝግባእ ተገንዚብካ፡ ዝሓሸ ለውጢ ንምፍጣርን ፍታሕ ንምቕማጥን ጥጡሕ ባይታ ምህናፅን ምትዕርራይን የድሊ።
ኣብ ባህሊ ዝተጠቐሱ ኣድለይቲ ዘይኮኑ ነገራት፡ ናብ ኣዎንታ ንምቕያር ኣብ በቢዘለናሉ ኮይንና ናይታ ሃገር ባህላዊ ዓውደ መፅናዕታት ብምድላውን ኣብ ናይ ሓባር ውህደት ፍፃመታት ብምፅንባርን ንኽንድግፍ ከምኡ እውን ንቕሓትን ክእለትን ቋንቋ ንምዕባይ፡ ቋንቋ እንግሊዘኛ ብምምሃር፡ ናይ ትርጉም ሓገዛት ብምሃብ፣ ንልውውጥ ቋንቋታት ሽርክነት(partnership)ብምፍጣር ነዚ ሓጓፍ ንምምላእ ተግባራዊ ርብርብ የድሊ።
ኣብቲ ስደተኛ ዝፍጠር ዘሎ ጭንቀት፡ ዘይተደለየ ፀቕጥን ሕሉፍ በሰላን ንምሕዋይ ድማ ምስ በዓል ሞያ ቴራፒ ይኹን ስነልቦና ብምዝርራብ ፍታሕ ምምፃእ ይከኣል።

ኣብ ፀጥታን ደሕንነትን ዝተልዓለ ስግኣት እውን እንትኾነ ካብ ዕግርግር ዝበዝሖ ቦታ ዓርስኻ ብምርሓቕ ነቲ ስግኣት ምንካይ ዝከካኣል ኮይኑ ተደጋጋሚ ኣስጋኢ ኹነታት እንተጋጥም ድማ ብግዜ ንዝምልከቶ መንግስታዊ ኣካል ብምፍላጥ እቲ ጉዳይ መዕለቢ ክግበረሉ ክኽእል ኣለዎ።

ኣብዚ ህልዊ ኩነታት፡ ንኹሉ ስደተኛ ከም ሓደ መሰረታዊ ፀገም ኮይኑ ዘሎ ሕፅረት ፋይናንስ ድማ፡ ነኒባዕልኻ ናይ ምትሕግጋዝ ባህሊ ብምዕባይን ዕድል ስራሕ ብምፍጣርን ክቃለል ዝኽእል እዩ።
ከምኡ ድማ እቶም ኣብ ፎቖዶ መዓስከር ስደተኛታት ብዝተፈላለዩ ሕማማት ዝጥቅዑ ዘለው ወገናት’ውን ቀልጢፎም ሕክምና ንክረኽቡ ዘኽእሉ ስራሕቲ ምስራሕ ኣገዳሲ እዩ።

ነዚ ንምዕዋት ኣብ ውሽጢ ዓድን ወፃእን ዘለው ተጋሩን ፈተውቲ ትግራይን፡ ስደተኛታት ወገናትና የሕልፍዎ ንዘለው መሪርን ነዊሕን ስቓይ፣ ተገንዚቦም፡ ሓላፍነት ዝተመልኦ ሰብኣውን ሞራላዊን ግቡኦም ንምፍፃም ዝከኣሎም እጃም ከበርክቱ ፃውዒት ነቕርብ።

Every atrocity in the playbook and more have been perpetrated by the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea, as well as their peoples, against Tigrayans and those of Tigrayan descent. Among these atrocity crimes were the arbitrary arrest and gross mistreatment of people with any connection to Tigray, however minute. This is the third and final part of my series recounting my experiences while detained in a concentration camp solely because of my Tigrayan identity. In this final chapter, I recount more of the crimes I witnessed while illegally detained and reflect on what this experience taught me about Ethiopian society and how it has cemented my steadfast commitment to ensuring justice and humanity. 

After November 4, 2021, we were forcibly transferred to a concentration camp specifically designed to inflict suffering on Tigrayans. The camp, overcrowded and decrepit, became our new reality, where approximately 500 of us Tigrayans endured inhumane conditions. 

The camp was rife with horrific injustices against Tigrayans. This concentration camp, a stark symbol of systemic oppression and ethnic persecution, epitomized the horrors inflicted upon Tigrayans daily– the stripping away of basic human dignity.

An 80-year-old Tigrayan man was subjected to severe restrictions, denied access to the toilet or sunlight, simply because he bore a resemblance to the late and veteran politician Abay Tsehaye. Extortion was rampant. Tigrayan prisoners were forced to pay more than 5,000 Ethiopian birr daily to avoid brutal torture by the policemen. The deprivation of sunlight was so severe that two Tigrayan inmates eventually lost their eyesight. Even those with disabilities were not spared: A Tigrayan man with a disability, who made a modest living by fixing hair within the prison compound, was coerced into giving up 50 percent of his earnings to the guards.

The hate against Tigrayans was so deeply seeded that people of other ethnic groups with any connection to Tigray, whether real or imagined, were considered Tigrayans and punished as such. A few non-Tigrayans shared our fate due to absurd and unjust reasons.

One Amhara man, whose only crime was having his driver’s license issued in Alamata, a Tigrayan town, found himself imprisoned with us because his license address read “Alamata – Tigray.” Another young Amhara native was arrested merely for wearing plastic shoes that were typically worn in Tigray, under the ludicrous accusation that his footwear signified allegiance to the Tigray Defense Forces. Additionally, an Amhara native from Debre Berhan was imprisoned with us because his grandfather’s name, Gebretsadik—a common name derived from the Ge’ez Bible—sounded Tigrayan to the authorities.

As evidenced above, the Ethiopian government and its agents do not believe that Tigrayans deserve the right to life or human dignity. As a victim of the Tigray Genocide and witness of countless human rights violations, I have had to process what it means for your countrymen to want your eradication. I was raised hearing that the people would unite and triumph over politicians and armed groups that opposed national interests. However, until November 2020, I had never encountered the idea that ordinary citizens could be incited to commit genocide against another group of ordinary citizens. I grew up with the belief that all Ethiopians were akin to the people of Tigray, sharing the same problems, goals, and aspirations. Sadly, I have come to realize that many Ethiopians harbor a deep-seated hatred towards Tigrayans and would readily align with destructive forces to annihilate them given the chance.

Ideally, the government should be for the people and by the people, but in Ethiopia, it is the people who are subjugated, controlled, and manipulated by the government. This is why almost the entire Ethiopian populace supported the genocidal campaign against Tigray from the time the government declared war until much of the active conflict ceased with the signing of the Pretoria Agreement. Genocide against Tigrayans was not only perpetrated by politicians and elites but also supported by the general Ethiopian population, who endorsed Abiy Ahmed’s actions. Every Ethiopian who had the chance to contribute to the genocide did so willingly.

The Ethiopian government has also committed war crimes against the Amhara and Oromo people for some time.

Despite the fact that many Oromo and Amhara individuals supported the government during the height of the genocide on Tigray, I do not condone the atrocities being committed against them now. I consistently advocate for an end to the conflict in Amhara and Oromia, while still demanding justice for the crimes perpetrated in Tigray by both the Ethiopian government and its citizens. 

We, the resolute survivors of the Tigray Genocide, shall never forget the despicable atrocities inflicted upon us. We will relentlessly pursue justice to ensure that those responsible are brought before impartial international courts to answer for their appalling crimes. We will never forget, nor will we allow such malevolent acts to be perpetuated against humanity again.

2024 has been a year shadowed by catastrophe and genocide. From Palestine to Sudan to the Congo and countless other countries, the world is consumed in tragedy. For Tigrayans, November 4, 2024 marks four years since the beginning of a brutal genocide. In terms of the magnitude of destruction and loss, the genocidal war on Tigray is the deadliest conflict of the 21st century to date. Each year Tigrayans approach this day with dread knowing that it is yet another year in which the suffering of the people of Tigray continues.  Each year, we find ourselves reflecting: Why has the world stayed silent for so long in the face of such violence? And yet, this question goes unanswered.

Year after year, we recount the unspeakable tragedies that have ravaged Tigray. Conservative estimates indicate that at least 800,000 Tigrayans have died. Over 120,000 women have been subjected to Conflict Related Sexual Violence and continue to face gender-based violence to date. The genocidal campaign against Tigrayans has entailed ethnic cleansing, obliteration of infrastructure and healthcare, illegal imprisonment, and mass starvation on an unimaginable scale. And each year, it feels as though these facts weigh less and less on the conscience of the world.

In 2024, a glimmer of hope surfaced: the genocide in Tigray was finally recognized for what it was by an independent team of investigators. We dared to hope that maybe, finally, the world would heed this call for justice and demand action. The report was clear: A deliberate genocide had been committed in Tigray. The report further layed out the necessary steps for accountability. Yet, as the months have passed, international actors have not moved, their inaction speaking louder than any words.

November 2024 also marks the two-year anniversary of the signing of a Cessation of Hostilities Agreement, also known as the Pretoria Agreement. Although this agreement eased tensions and brought an end to most of the active fighting in Tigray, we know that it has not brought true and lasting peace. Instead, it has allowed Abiy Ahmed to continue a genocide under the world’s mistaken belief that peace has been achieved. These past two years have brought empty promises and worsening devastation, as the humanitarian crisis continues inadequately addressed and atrocity crimes persist in occupied areas. 

What unimaginable suffering must the people of Tigray endure before the world—and the people of Ethiopia—are moved to act? For four years, Ethiopians have turned their backs on their own. People are taking part in hate fuelled violence and allowing Abiy Ahmed not only to pursue the erasure of Tigrayans, but also spread war and destruction across the country. It has become unmistakably clear that Abiy Ahmed is no leader, but a self-serving authoritarian who holds onto power illegally, propped up by Western and Ethiopian allies who should be holding him accountable. In this betrayal, Ethiopians have watched and participated in the invasion, devastation and brutalization of their fellow citizens. What does this indifference say about the soul of Ethiopia?

Even in the face of devastation, we are witnessing how power struggles among leaders persist. The infighting among Tigray’s political figures is destructive and must end. These divisions only strengthen our enemies, allowing Abiy Ahmed and Ethiopia’s political elites to manipulate and divide us further. This infighting is destructive and shows that the leaders of Tigray are willing to put their own interests above the people of Tigray, and as such should be held accountable. By weakening ourselves, we pay the highest price: every moment spent arguing is another life lost. These fractures within Tigray’s leadership are also creating divisions among the diaspora, undermining our collective movement for a free Tigray. Unity—both here and in Tigray—is essential to our survival.

As Tigrayans in the diaspora we must never lose sight of a free Tigray. Our disappointment in the world, our anger, our distrust in leaders—none of this can divert us from centering the people of Tigray. In the end, we must rely on ourselves and on the resilience of Tigray’s people to find a path forward. The spirit of Tigray has been unbreakable, enduring through Menelik, Haile Selassie, Mengistu, and now Abiy Ahmed. In the face of fascism, the people of Tigray have always defied injustice and fought for the right to self-determination. This is who we are. It is our job to amplify the voices of those who have been silenced. The world may ignore us, but we cannot afford to ignore each other. We cannot let another year pass us by. We must mourn and honor our martyrs and honor the sacrifices made for a free Tigray. To the people of Tigray, you are not forgotten. 

Eternal glory to our martyrs. Free Tigray.