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Ethiopia was once a country where people knew it was a sin to lie, kill, and steal, or so we thought. But today, there is one sin that surpasses them all: being born or raised in the northernmost Ethiopian region of Tigray or having any connection to Tigray at all. I did not realize the extent of this sin until Tigrayans who were born and raised in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, who know as much about Tigray as they do a foreign country, were prosecuted for their association.

It has been over a year since the genocidal war on Tigray has displaced people from their homes and taken lives. For those who thought themselves physically and mentally far from the war, it has found its way to them. 

With a government whose main selling point has been being different from its predecessors, the unlawful detention of anyone labeled as “Tigre” [Amharic word for Tigrayans] sure makes time travel possible.

When asked why Tigrayans were being detained, “for questioning” is the standard line uttered by security personnel as they take individuals from their homes. For days, weeks, months, and still to this day, many Tigrayan families have no idea about their children’s whereabouts. The basis for their detention was for no other reason than being found ‘Tigre’: a label most were born into.

The majority of Tigrayans who are detained or arrested end up so at the hands of their own neighbors or co-workers. In a country that has long prided itself on its diversity of more than 80 ethnicities with different languages, speaking Tigrigna is painting a target on one’s back.

From what I observe, there are three ironies in present-day Ethiopia. 

First, regular folk from other regions accuse the people of Tigray for wanting to hold on to their Tigrayan identity, language, and culture, regardless of where they live. They view this as Tigrayans’ wanting to differentiate themselves from other Ethiopians. But until recently, that was far from the truth. The majority of Tigrayans believed in the potential of the Ethiopian state, one that could find strength in diversity. 

Today, that accusation brings me to this question: when everything about you, including your very existence, paints you as a criminal, how exactly are you supposed to be one with your accusers? 

The second irony is that Tigray and Tigrayans have wrongly been accused of profiting from the previous government—the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). However, similar to many rural parts of Ethiopia, the majority of the Tigray region hardly reaped benefits from the development Ethiopia experienced in the last two decades.  

The elite in Ethiopia, including Tigrayans, may have benefited from the country’s undeniable growth, but many Tigrayans in Tigray and across Ethiopia experienced poverty the same way other Ethiopians did. Ethiopians could have seen it if they had not been blinded by pure hatred. There were millions of Tigrayans working to break the cycle of poverty during Ethiopia’s fastest economic growth period. And today, all these efforts have ceased with the genocidal war on Tigray. Tigrayans are now facing the worst famine and humanitarian crisis Ethiopia has ever experienced.

Today, doctors and medical students in Mekelle talk about one piece of bread being rationed as an entire meal. Civil servants and journalists are having to work without pay. Mothers are having to dodge bombs and bullets, carrying their children on their backs. I cannot help but wonder where Tigrayans are saving that first-class ticket that they are supposedly wealthy enough to have per most Ethiopians. When I see hospitals, homes, and roads in the aftermath of the Ethiopian and Eritrean invasion, I still wonder when Tigray’s proclaimed wealth will come through. 

The government of Ethiopia and Ethiopians alike, are intentionally painting with broad strokes all Tigrayans as members of the Tigray’s People Liberation Front (TPLF) under the former EPRDF system. Lost in this lack of distinction is that former leaders are not the people of Tigray who have done nothing more than being Tigrayan.

The third irony is the following: Tigrayans across Ethiopia who have the luxury of not starving amidst a man-made famine and genocidal war are fleeing the country any chance they get. I recall an acquaintance once asking, “What person who isn’t a criminal runs?” At the time, out of emotional exhaustion, I didn’t answer. But it was one of those moments I wish I had immediately answered.

Who in their right minds would voluntarily become a sitting duck? The way things keep escalating in the country, I can honestly say it’s only a matter of time before you are found guilty inside a country that is looking for a reason, any reason at all. So sure, fleeing can paint you as guilty, but isn’t it better to appear guilty from a safe distance? What is the other option? 

The government and even most Ethiopians have already made up their minds about you anyway. 

This mindset did not emerge from nowhere. It was cultivated on purpose by the Ethiopian state and so-called political elites and religious leaders, who used all media outlets at their disposal. They disseminated hate speech and genocidal rhetoric. It is common nowadays to hear Tigrayans referred to or addressed using derogatory names and terms. Why? Because the day they were born in Tigray, or the day they were born from Tigrayan parents, or the day their grandparents spoke their two first Tigrigna words while the grandchildren were not even conceived – that day was the day they signed off their right to innocence. The whole “innocent till proven guilty” notion doesn’t apply for Tigrayans. 

They were born sinful when they were born as Tigres in today’s Ethiopia. I was born sinful when I was born among Tigres.

Disclaimer: All views expressed in this article, or other articles posted at Omna Tigray, do not represent the official position of Omna Tigray.

Creation of the African Union

On May 25, 1963, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was established in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, by 32 African nations. In 2002, the OAU evolved into the African Union (AU) with a more ambitious agenda of promoting peace and democracy on the continent. Relying on soft power, the member states normalized using diplomacy to avoid conflicts or resolve them. 

Ethiopia played a key role in creating the African Union, leading the organization’s headquarters to be established in the heart of Ethiopia’s capital – Addis Ababa. A generation later, Ethiopia is terrorizing its citizens, ethnic Tigrayans, while jeopardizing the institution’s founding principles and AU’s Agenda 2063 that seeks “an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens, representing a dynamic force in the international arena.”

The Genocidal War on Tigray 

On November 4, 2020, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed began his “law enforcement operation” by declaring war on Tigray.  Abiy claimed that the war would bring Tigrayan elected leaders under the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) to justice, but it quickly became clear that Abiy’s mission was to destroy Tigray and its people through a state-sanctioned genocidal war conducted by the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), the Eritrean army, Amhara Special Forces, Fano Militia, and other foreign forces.

Three weeks after waging war on Tigray, on November 22, 2020, the Ethiopian government warned Tigrayans that they would be shown “no mercy” if they did not distance themselves from Tigray’s elected leaders. Soon after that statement, the ENDF, Eritrean army, and Amhara militia joined forces to capture Tigray’s capital city of Mekelle, indiscriminately bombing civilians on their way to the capital. 

From the outset, this genocidal war has been an internationalized one, with foreign forces heavily involved, including Eritrean and Somali forces joining the war on Tigray from the onset, Tigrayan civilians fleeing to Sudan in the thousands.  The fighting has destabilized Ethiopia and the strategic Horn of Africa as a whole, yet the African Union remains incapable and unwilling to bring about any significant change. 

The Failure of Mediation 

A globally-renowned and funded institution of the African Union is the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It is composed of five segments that collaboratively seek to resolve and manage conflicts: the Peace and Security Council, the Panel of the Wise, the Continental Early Warning System, the Standby Forces, and the Peace Fund. European Union (EU) members, Nordic countries, and the United States are among the most consistent donors to the APSA. With the current conflict in Ethiopia and the African Union’s neglect of the genocidal war on Tigray, the APSA’s performance has become questionable. 

Days after Abiy officially waged war on Tigray on November 4, 2022, the Government of Tigray pleaded to world leaders, including AU’s Chairperson Cyril Ramaphosa, to help Ethiopia find a  peaceful solution. About two weeks into the conflict, the African Union proposed sending a special envoy to mediate talks between the federal government and Tigray’s regional government.

Shortly after, they sent three former African heads of states to Addis Ababa to seek a peaceful resolution: Joaquim Chissano, former President of Mozambique, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, former Liberian President, and Kgalema Motlanth, former President of South Africa.  However, their negotiation efforts proved ineffective, with Abiy unwilling to compromise to stop the genocidal war on Tigray. 

In fact, just a few days before the trio arrived in the capital, Abiy ordered “the final phase of rule of law enforcement operations,” which entirely rejected the mediation efforts and challenged the foundational principles of the African Union. 

Later in August 2021, the African Union reattempted its previously unsuccessful mediation efforts through another special envoy, the former Nigerian President, Olesegun Obasanjo. “There is no military solution to the conflict and battlefield victory cannot guarantee political stability in Ethiopia,” he said. “This will allow an opportunity for dialogue to continue to progress. Such talks cannot deliver in an environment of escalated military hostilities.” Similar to its previous attempts, the actions of the African Union remained entirely uninfluential, indicating how impotent the African Union is as an institution.

Interference: The AU’s Diplomatic Responsibility to Intervene in Tigray

Although Abiy has expressed his appreciation for AU envoys’ “elderly concern,” he has resisted international mediation by labeling it as “interference” in domestic matters. Abiy knew he could rely on article 4(g) of the AU’s Constitutive Act, which specifies “non-interference by any member state in the internal affairs of another.” 

However, there has been a clear path for AU intervention through Article 4(h), which gives the African Union the right “to intervene in a member state, in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes and genocide,” both of which have been proven to be present in the Tigray conflict by credible sources, despite the lack of an official genocide designation. The United Nations, foreign diplomats, international journalists, and international humanitarian organizations around the world have confirmed war crimes and acts amounting to genocide being committed in Tigray since the war began. Genocide Watch has placed Ethiopia at Stage 9 of Genocide.

In a UN Security Council meeting in November 2021, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs Rosemary DiCarlo,  stated: “In a country of over 110 million people, over 90 different ethnic groups and 80 languages, no one can predict what continued fighting and insecurity will bring.”

This statement highlights the importance of meaningful action from those considered both capable and responsible for intervening and stopping the conflict, namely the African Union in this case, in maintaining peace throughout the country. If action is not taken, conflict, instability, and insecurity will spread more than it already has.  

Why Hasn’t the African Union Done More?

Because Ethiopia hosts the AU headquarters, it has had an outsized influence on the day-to-day affairs of the institution. Other African countries have long suspected that Ethiopia does not hold itself to the principles and mission of the African Union. As a senior AU diplomat remarked, “Abiy thinks that the [African Union] is for others, not for Ethiopia.” 

The Ethiopian government has even purged Tigrayan officers from the AU and UN peacekeeping missions and demanded the AU Commission dismiss its Tigrayan head of security soon after the war on Tigray began–all without any kind of justified reproach. 

The dire situation, aside from reflecting the egocentric and discriminative values of the Ethiopian regime, also serves as a reflection of the African Union’s overall involvement and performance with regards to the conflict. The recognition and blatant acceptance of Ethiopia’s rejection of mediation makes a mockery of the AU’s principles of peacemaking.

Because of its lack of influence, the African Union has gone as far as asking foreign nations for assistance on the matter. In the previously mentioned UN Security Council meeting that took place in November 2021, the AU’s special envoy Olusegun Obasanjo asked the council to “press the Federal Government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front to engage in political dialogue without preconditions and to call for an immediate and comprehensive ceasefire, as well as a cessation of hostilities.” He also added that the world needs to support the “African Union-led peacemaking efforts.” Although Obasanjo expressed concern and his will to voice it is understandable, it also serves as proof of the power imbalance between the African Union and the Abiy-led government.

The African Union’s continued attempt to mediate for the past two years should not be discredited, but it is not sufficient in the face of an active genocide. The institution does not appear to be reacting to a war that has caused chaos in the Horn of Africa and destabilized the country. The lack of urgency to respond to one of the deadliest conflicts in the region has only undermined the role of the institution. 

With ineffective efforts to stop the genocidal war, the African Union has failed Tigray.  The institution remains unqualified to bring about any significant change as the severe atrocities continue to escalate, with the complete siege of Tigray and occupation of Western and parts of northern Tigray by Amhara and Eritrean forces. Instead of adhering to the principles of its foundation, the organization has become a place where leaders like Abiy can use their charm and regional influence to commit unimaginable crimes on African lives.

Disclaimer: All views expressed in this article, or other articles posted at Omna Tigray, do not represent the official position of Omna Tigray.

Ethiopia is a country of more than 80 diverse nations and nationalities, each with its own language, traditions and distinct identities. The current Ethiopian federal state structure is crafted along national lines, with shared culture, language, identity, and tradition qualifying nations to be regional states within the polity of Ethiopia. 

The federal structure is generally supported by the elites of Ethiopia’s marginalized and minority groups, although the federal system under the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was under significant public scrutiny for failing to maintain democratic power distribution among all stakeholders. That said, there is also a group of people termed ‘Ethiopianists,’ many of whom are nostalgic for Ethiopia’s regressive imperial era, who despise multinational federalism and have a deep rooted belief that the Ethiopian government structure should be a unitary system with no room for ethnic and cultural diversity. 

The vision of Ethiopia that the Ethiopianists want to realize has its roots in the late 19^th century. The Orthodox Church and the emperors of the time designed the clergy and the state apparatus in the like and structure of their own ethnic social fabric. The other nations and nationalities had to choose between replacing their own language, tradition, lifestyle, and values with those of the ruling ethnic group or being left behind by being denied equitable access to education and healthcare.

In an attempt to create a nation-state during the 20^th century, the ruling monarchs including Menelik II and Haile Selassie I, imposed their own cultural and traditional values in a colonial fashion, totally undermining the diverse nations and nationalities’ right to self-determination, exist, and practice their own culture. Establishing Amharic as the official language of the country, the ruling elite of the time instituted structural inequalities in the governance system of the country that would continue to have significant consequences in the decades after. These rulers even went as far as prohibiting the use of other languages for official use at local levels across the country. There was no equality under the law for all nations and nationalities.

This desire for dominance and the hunger to create a unitary state with one culture and language may be the source of the conflict flaring up throughout the entire country and  threatening to break it apart. No one can keep a country together that is supported by fake mythos and religious dogma, which leave no space for diversity and integrity of the nations and nationalities that make up Ethiopia. Whatever has worked for the Ethiopianists of the last century cannot be taken as gospel for all of Ethiopia’s nations and nationalities of our time. 

However, Ethiopianists of our time insist that Ethiopia must be united in the same manner their forefathers crafted it, without regard for the country’s diverse demographics and heritage. The very foundation of a democratic society, where people can come together to establish a country by mutual understanding and free will, does not seem to be part of their plan for ‘One Ethiopia.’ 

Advocates of the unitary system have been at the core of the current Ethiopian federal government led by Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and his Prosperity Party. On the opposite end of the political spectrum are, amongst others, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), key players in the formation of Ethiopia’s multinational federal system that still advocate for it as the only viable state structure if the country is to function as a stable state. 

Those who believe in ‘One Ethiopia’ rely upon the imperial values of centuries past, thus they see any other structure that gives equal opportunity to all its inhabitants as a threat to Ethiopian unity when, in fact, their forceful approach has pushed the country into disintegration.

In their quest for their vision of what Ethiopia is supposed to be, ‘Ethiopianists’ have found a power-hungry leader to execute their ambitions for Ethiopia. With Abiy Ahmed as their executioner, the group  is eager to annihilate anyone who does not share their vision for Ethiopia. This unrealistic ambition has led them to justify the genocidal war against the people of Tigray to the extent that they spent years planning to wipe Tigrayans off the map, while trying to co-opt their history. Those who see it as their God-given right to “save” Ethiopia from its own people have been using all means of communication including the religious infrastructures and media outlets to spread their venomous rhetoric that justifies and fuels their gruesome genocide against innocent civilians of Tigray. 

Today, Ethiopia is at a crucial crossroads, as it implodes under the watch of a genocidal government. Abiy’s government, with assistance from Ethiopia’s former foe, the Eritrean government under dictator Isaias Afewerki, is working to destabilize Ethiopia by condoning mass murder, looting, and destruction in the name of God and Ethiopia. As ‘Ethiopianists’ so strongly seek to unify the country through a unitary structure and homogeneity, they fail to realize the counteractive power of forced assimilation that has led Ethiopia down the road to disintegration.

Disclaimer: All views expressed in this article, or other articles posted at Omna Tigray, do not represent the official position of Omna Tigray.

On November 4, 2020, the Ethiopian government and its allies, mainly the Eritrean and Amhara regional governments, declared a genocidal war on Tigray. These invading forces unleashed unimaginable suffering on the people of Tigray, committing countless atrocities amounting to genocide, such as massacres, extrajudicial killings, weaponized sexual violence, the wholesale destruction of essential infrastructure, including the healthcare system, the destruction of food sources, and the prevention of access to humanitarian aid. Tigrayans in Tigray have been living through the unfathomable, while those of us in the rest of Ethiopia live with pain, fear, and the constant threat of harassment solely because of our ethnic identity. The dynamics shifted a bit after the Tigray Defense Forces took over most of Tigray at the end of June 2021: the Ethiopian government imposed a siege on Tigray while intensifying its unlawful mass arrests and detention of Tigrayans across Ethiopia. The type of suffering changed, but the suffering continues nonetheless.

At the beginning of the war, few of us foresaw how much devastation would follow. I am still worried about my extended family, whom I haven’t heard from in over a year. I don’t know if they are still alive or have died due to the famine or the violence. They had begged for drones to help them fight a severe locust infestation in September 2020, but what they got instead were drones that dropped bombs on them mere weeks later. We’re witnessing the worst of humanity in Ethiopia’s government. In Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, what we are going through is nothing compared to what our family members in Tigray have gone through, but we are still suffering in silence. I live in fear of the other shoe dropping, of getting arrested at any moment. If I were arrested, I would probably be beaten and interrogated. So far, I have been spared from the trauma that some Tigrayans in Addis have experienced on multiple occasions. Their level of mistreatment is immeasurable. Yet, I still suffer from depression and anxiety and am haunted in my sleep. I live in a perpetual state of fear and anxiety, unable to leave my house but ready to go into hiding at any moment.

Living under such circumstances in the past months made this the period of my life in which I have faced the most adversity and hardship. One can attempt to put into words how it feels when your federal government targets you and your entire Tigrayan ethnicity as retaliation for facing defeat in the genocidal war on Tigray, but no words can do these feelings justice. Despite the limitations of the written word and the safety that was inherent in my silence, I cannot remain silent. This past year has been an immense realization, a realization of the fragility of the freedom we hold so dear. I must share my story at a time in Ethiopian history when all logic and reasoning have been dismissed and the Ethiopian state is doing despicable things to Tigrayans. This is my story.

My Tigrayan ethnicity has allowed the Abiy Ahmed government to make my life unbearable in Addis Ababa, especially after the Tigrayan Defense Forces (TDF) took control of most of Tigray in June 2021 and began pushing to the capital. Prior to that, we had to deal with house raids and random searches, which pale in comparison to the mass arrests and detainment in concentration camps that has occured  since. As much as I have been devastated by what is happening to my family in Tigray and the country as a whole, up to this point, I have tried to stay safe by remaining silent to not raise questions about my political affiliation during all of this. However, my silence has not helped me avoid the ugly realities in Ethiopia today. 

Following random checks and searches, they arrested my father on November 5, 2021. They had previously raided our house twice before his ultimate arrest. The officers insisted that they had received a “tip” regarding the accumulation of weapons in a residential real estate compound where only families live. Both times of course, they found nothing. 

After the state of emergency was declared on November 2, 2021, the little regard remaining for human rights was thrown out the window. They started rounding people up based on their Tigrayan ethnicity. The extent to which this grave injustice was carried out cannot be overstated. Every Tigrayan I know has been detained or has family members who are detained. 

The day they arrested my father, they came to our neighborhood early in the morning – at about 5 am. They intended to search homes and arrest people before anyone left for work. A neighbor informed us that the police were only going door-to-door to search Tigrayan houses. It is difficult to predict what could come from these searches, so we panicked. My father, on the other hand, reassured us that they would not arrest people without reason. He was wrong. He underestimated their intentions, ignorance, and hate. He did not expect them to baselessly arrest an innocent 69-year-old man who had nothing to do with politics. 

My brother, on the other hand, was more skeptical. He knew they didn’t have good intentions and the possibility of his arrest as a young Tigrayan male in Addis Ababa, so he escaped to the neighbor’s house and hid there.  

My dad worked hard his entire life to provide us with a relatively comfortable life. But despite his hard work and being an exemplary citizen, they threw him into some warehouse that was previously used for storing cement and had been commandeered from a Tigrayan businessman. There was dust everywhere, and there were hundreds of Tigrayan prisoners crammed into a single warehouse. Hundreds of them had to share one bathroom. And every morning was spent standing in line for hours to get to that one bathroom. If that was not bad enough, everyday we were praying that they kept him there because the alternative would be worse. There are reports that Tigrayans arrested all across the city are being transported to places outside the city where the conditions are far worse, where those arrested are only being fed every three days. And families can’t even take food to them because the officials have prohibited it. Their cruelty is on another level. They intentionally transfer the prisoners to areas where there are food shortages, such as Afar, so they have an excuse to feed them less or not feed them at all. They are malicious and vindictive. They want Tigrayans to suffer as much as possible and lose their dignity and honor. 

My mother was the only one who was able to visit my father. He was held with several of our relatives, so at least he was not lonely. It is terribly sad that most of them are over 65 years old, like my father. What possible logic can justify jailing the elderly? Many are established business owners who have worked tirelessly for what they have accomplished and have never been involved in politics.

The height of home searches and terror for Tigrayans in Addis Ababa was reached during the State of Emergency in between November 2021 and February 2022. Although there has been an effort to gradually release previously arrested Tigrayan civilians in the past 2 months, Tigrayans still continue to be detained and arrested. Tigrayans live in fear of what could happen to them because of their identity. My non-Tigrayan friends who are able to move around have told me that there are ID checks everywhere in the capital city, with officers checking your ethnicity based on your name or your place of birth. 

I am disgusted by the fact that my friends and neighbors can move about freely and openly like nothing is happening, while I am forced to hide to avoid being arrested purely based on my identity. It is simply angering, depressing, and ugly. There aren’t enough words to express my disappointment and anger at what is happening in a city and country I once called home. It makes me question my entire life and purpose. What’s the purpose of everything if all the freedoms we have enjoyed and taken for granted our entire lives can be taken instantly? Now, I fear for my freedom and for my life. What is the point of everything if those in power can take it all in just an instant?

This experience has gravely shifted my perspective. I used to think that despite our differences, we were the same people – that we were united through the Ethiopian ideology despite our ethnic differences. But the Abiy administration has successfully divided us all. 

Einstein once said that the world is a dangerous place, not because of those who do evil but because of those who look on and do nothing. And as the government demonized every Tigrayan in a media campaign like no other, Ethiopians were so quick to accept all Abiy’s lies. They are in complete denial about what is actually happening. They hold protests condemning Western countries and Western media outlets that have spoken against the war on Tigray and the atrocities being committed in Tigray. They have gone as far as saying Tigrayans’ suffering is “fake news.” They readily believe anything from government media, but they denounce every internationally reputable news organization such as CNN, BBC, Aljazeera, and the like. They would sooner believe the whole world is conspiring against them by concocting lies than to admit the appalling injustice Tigrayans are facing at the hands of the government. 

It’s hard to imagine a future where everything goes back to normal. For now, the best we can hope for is for the international community to know what is happening to Tigrayans in Ethiopia and take appropriate remedial actions.

Nobody chooses to become a refugee, an internally displaced person (IDP), or an asylum seeker. Since the start of the genocidal war on Tigray in November 2020, over 2 million people in Tigray have been internally displaced, and tens of thousands have crossed borders into neighboring countries seeking refuge. Violations of human rights and international law by the Ethiopian, Eritrean, and allied forces such as air strikes on civilians, mass detentions and forced disappearances, sexual and gender-based violence, weaponized starvation, and a score of other atrocities amounting to genocide have caused a surge in the number of forcibly displaced people. Leaving one’s home is never an easy process, and the journey is often dangerous and sometimes deadly. For some forcibly displaced Tigrayans, buildings like elementary schools have become makeshift shelters, usually with insufficient space and resources to host the IDPs, and people end up sleeping out in the open. Refugee camps and IDP host communities have endured a significant amount of time with extremely limited or no assistance, leading to a rapid escalation in humanitarian needs. A harrowing man-made famine and widespread violence have uprooted millions of Tigrayans from their homes, some traveling for days and months by foot and crossing rivers to find safety — a term used lightly, given the menacing conditions faced by IDPs and refugees in their temporary shelters.

Forced Removal of Western Tigrayans

The people of Western Tigray, which is occupied by brutal invading forces, have faced a textbook example of ethnic cleansing through systematic killings, rape, and a complete destruction of society. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken condemned what he called ethnic cleansing by invading forces in Western Tigray, amid “very credible reports of human rights abuses and atrocities that are ongoing.” Additionally, the U.S. Department of State issued a press release statement in December 2021 calling for an end to the mass killings and forcible expulsions in Western Tigray, which has resulted in 1.2 million forcibly displaced people from the area. Refugees told reporters that Amhara authorities and allied forces were ordering Tigrayans out of their homes or rounding them up. A refugee from Humera, located in northwestern Tigray, said he saw thousands of Tigrayans loaded into trucks not knowing what happened to them.

Attacks on IDP Sites and Refugee Camps

Safety is never guaranteed for Tigrayan IDPs and refugees, as these communities have been unlawfully attacked by Ethiopian, Eritrean, and Amhara military forces. In January 2022, the U.S. Department of State condemned a deadly airstrike on Tigrayan civilians at an IDP camp, stating “Ongoing airstrikes in Tigray resulting in civilian casualties are unacceptable. We redouble our call for an immediate end to hostilities, the prompt launch of an inclusive national dialogue, and unhindered access so aid can reach all Ethiopian communities in need.” The airstrike was launched on a camp in Dedebit, killing at least 57 civilians and injuring more than 42 others, including children. One of the aid workers said the camp hosts several older women and children. “They told me the bombs came at midnight. It was completely dark and they couldn’t escape,” he said. 

After the airstrike, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) suspended humanitarian activities “due to continued threats of drone strikes.” In the week prior to the attack, another deadly airstrike hit Mai Aini refugee camp in Tigray, killing three Eritrean refugees including two children who were hosted in the camp. Outside of aerial bombardments, other forms of attacks on IDPs and refugees are ongoing. In May 2021, Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers encircled Adi Wenfito and Tsehay camps that host Tigrayan civilians displaced by the genocidal war. The soldiers invaded the camps, beat, harassed, and kidnapped hundreds of young men, then took them to the outskirts of Shire, Tigray. Eyewitness accounts were corroborated by a statement released by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), “On Monday night, scores of people were forcibly taken by military from camps where internally displaced people are seeking refuge in Shire.” Other similar atrocities on IDPs and refugees have taken place, but have received little to no attention from the international community.

Protection of Children IDPs and Refugees

Children who are forcibly displaced are extremely vulnerable and are likely to suffer from disease, malnutrition, separation from family members, and severe poverty. These children are also at risk of exploitation and psychosocial distress. In May 2021, Save the Children reported that nearly 5,000 Tigrayan children had been separated from their families, but the true number is likely much higher, as many cases go unreported. Several of these children sleep in unfamiliar places with dozens of unrelated adults, leaving them at an increased risk for abuse, kidnapping, and sexual violence. One seven year-old IDP told Reuters, “Our neighbors came and said ‘Run, people may kill you.'” When she returned home to find her family, they were not there — a shared experience for large numbers of Tigrayan IDPs and refugees. 

Some children have become orphans after witnessing their parents and family members get raped and killed, leaving them alone, traumatized, and afraid. “Protection systems that would normally support separated children have been almost totally disrupted due to the conflict,” stated one protection advisor for Save the Children, in reference to the systematic destruction of Tigray. Family reunification has been extremely difficult to accomplish, one reason being because of the deliberate telecommunications blackout imposed on Tigray since the beginning of the war. The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre refers to children IDPs as “twice invisible,” because internally displaced people in general are often unaccounted for and age-disaggregation data is further limited for IDPs. For some, displacement can last years and even decades, often resulting in a disrupted or terminated education, disintegration of the family structure, and children growing up without basic human necessities like shelter and food.

Displaced Children Missing School

Human displacement has long-lasting, intergenerational impacts. The children of Tigray who were living normal lives prior to the genocidal war have now missed up to 3 years of school, first due to COVID-19, then due to the genocidal war. This has several detrimental effects on the children, their families, and future generations. UNICEF reports that children and youth on the move with low levels of education are at increased risk of exploitation. In war and conflict, girls are 2.5 times more likely to be out of school than boys, and they are highly susceptible to becoming targets of sexual and gender-based violence. Because of unstable conditions, IDPs and refugees are constantly moving, and this is especially difficult for school-aged children. 

Before November 2020, the education system in Tigray was steadily improving. The Tigray Development Association was providing resources to support digital education programs in 160 primary schools around the region, and the Tigray Education Bureau was preparing to incorporate the ancient Ge’ez language into the education curriculum. It comes as no surprise that the Ethiopian government has not endorsed UNICEF’s Safe Schools Declaration, a commitment to protect students, teachers, schools, and universities during conflict. In fact, schools in Tigray have been attacked, intentionally occupied, looted, & damaged. Such atrocities have resulted in children missing out on their international human right to education. Related to education, some students who enter new countries lack documents, making it difficult to provide proof of their prior learning achievements. Further, school credits, certificates, and degrees are sometimes rejected or do not transfer to the new school system, leaving IDP and refugee students to start from scratch despite their previous education.

Sexual and Gender-Based Violence

Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) has been rampant throughout the genocidal war in Tigray. The UN’s Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Mark Lowcock asserted that Ethiopian soldiers are using sexual violence in Tigray “as a weapon of war, as a means to humiliate, terrorize and traumatize an entire population today and into the next generation.” Furthermore, USAID Administrator Samantha Power stated, “the scale of those crimes, and the reports of the soldier’s conduct and testimony, suggests that the Ethiopian military, together with their allies in the Eritrean military and forces from the Amhara region, have launched a campaign to shatter families and destroy the reproductive and mental health of their victims.” 

Doctors have reported a surge in demand at refugee camps for emergency contraception and testing for sexually transmitted infections including HIV. Alongside sexual violence by military forces, sexual exploitation of forcibly displaced women and girls often occurs within IDP host communities and refugee camps. It has been reported that some male members of the host community, male IDPs and male refugees have coerced women and girls to engage in sexual acts in exchange for basic needs such as food or small amounts of cash as little as $1.25. Sexual exploitation and abuse in IDP host communities and refugee camps is extremely likely due to the dire humanitarian crisis. IDP focus groups have reported that “survival sex,” or sexually exploitative relationships in exchange for a basic necessity, has become a new and common practice since the start of the genocidal war. 

Refugees International was told by two humanitarian staffers that there are increased risks for sexual exploitation and abuse in these conditions, particularly by those with perceived power (e.g., IDP leaders, host community members, government representatives, or humanitarian staff) to take advantage of those in need. Women reported mental health consequences, due to the straining circumstances such as the burden of childcare and stigma associated with speaking on SGBV. In addition to sexual exploitation, intimate partner violence has been increasing in the refugee camps and IDP sites.

Diseases and Lack of Medicine

IDP sites and refugee camps oftentime suffer from disease outbreaks, as people are constantly moving in and out of the areas and healthcare access is limited. Because of overcrowding and insufficient space, communicable diseases such as COVID-19, malaria, cholera, and tuberculosis are widespread. Chronic diseases and skin infections are prevalent, while medicine is scarce. IDP sites in Shire are seeing an escalation in scabies cases, and only 5% of affected IDPs in Shire received scabies cream through a house-to-house treatment campaign. Because of the blocking and looting of humanitarian aid by the Ethiopian government and military forces, people have been dying from easily treatable diseases. The lack of healthcare and access to medicine has especially impacted forcibly displaced Tigrayan women, as many were pregnant and died on the way to finding safety. Some women have given birth alone in bushes, while others are giving birth unattended in the camps. Infants are particularly susceptible to early mortality, as they are missing vital immunizations that would have been readily available prior to the genocidal war.

Other Impacts

Social isolation, discrimination, and even hostility upon arrival to the host communities can strain IDPs and refugees as they navigate asylum or relocation processes. Continuous fear of deportation, difficulty finding a job, or barriers accessing medical care add to a burdensome experience that comprises several losses: family and friends, career, language, community, culture, homeland, economic and social status, and overall identity. Trauma is experienced at all stages of the IDP and refugee experience and is responsible for a variety of mental health outcomes, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety. Several factors such as experiencing violence, torture, and survivor’s guilt play a role and may affect the rate of mental health conditions in this already vulnerable population. 

Tigrayans throughout Ethiopia have had to flee their homes to survive, and are faced with an immense amount of trauma that can be carried on across generations. The international community must take action to protect Tigrayan IDPs and refugees and ensure that the human rights that have been cruelly taken away from Tigrayans in Ethiopia are restored.

The genocidal war on Tigray that was waged in November 2020 has caused the extreme suffering of millions of Tigrayans living in Ethiopia and traumatized Tigrayans across the globe. 

Following the formation of the genocidal alliance between Ethiopia’s power hungry Abiy Ahmed, ill-minded Isaias Afewerki, and land greedy Amhara expansionists, the people of Tigray have endured a war of aggression no one can imagine in his or her most gruesome nightmare.

It is beyond doubt that the main objective of the war on Tigray is the decimation of everything Tigrayan and all Tigrayans possess — both the tangible and intangible, including their lives. As witnessed by Tigrayans themselves and foreign workers and diplomats, Abiy and Isaias’ intentions are clear: to wipe out Tigray. 

Had the genocidal plan been fully realized the way the alliance had intended, the Tigray of old would have ceased to exist, as would all its rich traditions, cultural assets, and Tigrayans’ historical pride inherited from their ancestors. The plan of the aggressors was to exterminate Tigrayans, take their lands, and claim their history through complete destruction and subjugation of its people.

For Tigrayans there is nothing more horrifying and humiliating than losing their identity rooted in their unwavering belief in their right to self-determination and territorial integrity. The idea that they would live as second class citizens in their own homeland is so unconscionable that they would rather sacrifice their lives and those of their children for their nation, for their motherland, for their Tigray Adey. 

This is not the first time Tigrayans have fought for the future of their homeland, a homeland once rooted in their Ethiopian identity. In Ethiopia’s history, countless Tigrayans have made the ultimate sacrifice fighting against foreign invaders to defend Ethiopia’s territorial integrity.

In return for their contribution to Ethiopia, Tigrayans have been subjected to the unimaginable collective punishment that almost a year and a half of genocide has brought. The whole region is suffering a slow death, as the Ethiopian government suffocates Tigray by imposing a siege stopping humanitarian end from entering.

The scale and intent of this gruesome genocidal war has once again awoken Tigrayans’ innate bravery, tenacity, and resilience to defend their homeland and identity, no matter how strong or how mighty the enemy may be. People of all ages, faiths, genders, and social status have come together with only one aim in mind – to fight for their survival and that of their identity and homeland.  

During this genocidal war, Tigrayan forces were faced with armies combined to at least four times their size that were fully equipped and had the support of foreign actors near and far. The Ethiopian government believed that this “law enforcement operation” would only take a few days or weeks at most, given that Tigray was completely encircled and under a complete tele-communications blackout. These enemy invading forces assumed it would be an easy feat to exterminate an entire population.

However, not only did they not realize that starting a war is much easier than ending one, they seriously underestimated the will of Tigrayans to fight back. Tigrayans are known as resilient, determined, and brave fighters. Additionally, they have highly experienced military leaders who were ready to train young fighters who were ready to fight for what they believed in. From the combination of the experienced war generals and the courageous popular forces has emerged an incredible defense force, the Tigray Defense Force (TDF) that is fighting to remove genocidal actors from all of Tigray and to end the deadly siege on the region.

Despite countless victories against the aggressors, the war on Tigray continues. Eritrean and Amhara forces still occupy parts of northern and western Tigray and the TDF continues to fight to liberate Tigray.

The way forward might be challenging and difficult to predict, but two things are certain: Tigrayans want to live in peace and they want to hold those who committed the atrocities during the war on Tigray accountable. It is the duty of every Tigrayan to protect Tigray from all ill-minded criminals who are determined to exterminate Tigrayans during this genocidal war. Tigrayans may have political differences and dialogue and debates should also be welcomed, but this is not the time to get lost in our differences, but rather the time to stick together to defend the Tigrayan identity, land, and history.

At this moment in time, it is highly premature to talk about the type of administration Tigray may have or Tigray’s future within the Ethiopian polity. Had it not been for the TDF and the highly experienced generals leading the fight against barbaric invaders, Tigrayans would still be subjected to the extreme aggression they faced during the first 8 months of the war. That is not to say Tigrayans are not suffering immensely in liberated areas because they are. Today, as a result of the war and the siege on Tigray, millions of Tigrayans are living in famine conditions and thousands have died of starvation or from lack of basic medical care. Tigray is still facing an uphill battle on multiple fronts. 

So by all measures, at this moment in time, it is about survival: ending the siege, reconnecting Tigray, allowing aid access, and relieving the crisis so that Tigray can return to a state where it is appropriate to decide its fate. In the end, no one but the people of Tigray can decide what should ensue. It is up to Tigrayans to choose Tigray’s political fate.  Presently, I believe that talking about a transitional government and other political demands seems to be completely out of touch and untimely.

Tigrayans have a responsibility towards the men and women, the brave children of Tigray, who are willing to sacrifice their lives to see a peaceful Tigray. Until the desired result is achieved, Tigrayans have no choice but to stick together and fight our enemies united and with resilience!

Meanwhile, it is the moral duty of every human to empathize with those suffering in Tigray and speak out against the atrocities being committed during this genocidal war. It is the duty of every human to hold criminals accountable for the war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocidal acts in Tigray. 

Disclaimer: All views expressed in this article, or other articles posted at Omna Tigray, do not represent the official position of Omna Tigray.

Crop destruction during the war on Tigray

Throughout the past year of the Tigray genocide, invading Eritrean, Ethiopian, and regional Amhara forces have used several methods to destroy Tigray and its people. One of the most inhumane methods of destruction mobilized against the Tigrayan civilian population has been crop destruction. 

Crop destruction is defined as the deliberate destruction of crops or agricultural products to make them useless for consumption or processing. This is usually done by preventing the production of crops, burning, grinding, or applying chemicals.

In Tigray, invading forces have strategically targeted Tigray’s agricultural production, on which the population is heavily dependent, to weaken Tigray’s social, political, and economic structure. With more than 80 percent of the region’s population relying on labor-intensive, rain-fed agriculture for subsistence, the essentially nonexistent farming in Tigray since the beginning of the genocidal war has left millions without access to food.

Ethiopia’s deliberate efforts to “Let the people of Tigray perish with starvation.”

Abebe Gebrehiwot, Former Deputy Head of Tigray’s Interim Government, May 2021

Farming in Tigray during the genocide

Destruction of crops, farming supplies, and livestock

While farming preparations for the 90-120 day growing period typically begin in mid-April before “Kiremti,” Tigray’s rainy season (June-September), crops are usually harvested at the end of the rainy season between September and February. In the past year, however, Tigrayan farmers were unable to make use of the farming season. Though rainfall conditions in early 2021 were appropriate for a normal planting season, bird’s eye photographs taken in the region showed that in early May 2021, fewer crops than previous years were plowed. 

Telephone interviews conducted with key witnesses during the first year of the war revealed that Ethiopian, Eritrean, and Amhara forces intentionally prevented Tigrayan farmers from plowing or cultivating their land. Some witnesses stated that Eritrean and Ethiopian forces would often say, “We are here fighting to die and you want to plow?” As reported by BBC in June 2021, Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers told Tigrayan farmers, “You won’t plow, you won’t harvest, and if you try we will punish you.”

In many instances, the invading forces destroyed or stole farming equipment and seeds, leaving Tigrayan farmers without the required tools to farm.  “The Eritrean soldiers are not only disallowing farmers to plow but also burnt and destroyed their farm tools,” an agricultural expert in Tigray’s capital city Mekelle said.  “There are no farm inputs [seeds and fertilizers] available,” a staff member of Mekelle University added. 

In addition to the stolen crops and supplies, farmers in Tigray have also lost a majority of their livestock at the hands of invading forces. With several cattle, sheep, camels, and oxen being stolen or killed, farmers who had previously purchased them through difficult means are now left economically ruined. There have also been multiple reports documenting the experiences of  farmers forced to kill their own livestock to feed the invading forces. This has made the situation especially difficult for farmers and their communities because of the agricultural importance of livestock for plowing and fertilizing farmland. 

The above-stated information has been confirmed with satellite images showing invading forces burning crop fields, farm plots, and warehouses. In addition, reports of pillaging and destruction have also been made throughout the entire region. 

Weakening Agricultural Workforce 

The genocidal war on Tigray has left the region without much of its workforce. The Ethiopian, Eritrean, and Amhara forces are targeting and indiscriminately killing working-age Tigrayan men in the region. Therefore, many of those left alive in rural villages are elderly men and women or children, all unable to undertake backbreaking farm work. Another contributing cause is the many young men who have gone to fight in the war—many of whom experienced the brutality of the invading forces and were victims of their atrocities.

According to witnesses in Tigray, “The number of youngsters joining the Tigrayan Defence Forces per household may vary based on what happened in their surroundings (especially massacres, rape, and destruction). In a village that I know well, almost all the young men joined after witnessing the indiscriminate killing of 13 people.” The war itself and the massacre of tens of thousands of working-age men has left more than 80 percent of the region’s population with insecure livelihoods.

 Man-made Starvation

Although the starvation in Tigray is the result of many strategically planned attacks on different sectors of the region’s socio-economic structure, a key contributor to the widespread famine is the Eritrean and Ethiopian armed forces’ destruction of crops and supplies. Partially due to the campaign of crop destruction in Tigray, the region is experiencing a severe famine that has become a hallmark of this genocide threatening the lives of hundreds of thousands of people, primarily children, and vulnerable populations.

The Ethiopian government’s siege on Tigray is exacerbating the extreme food insecurity in Tigray, primarily through preventing food and medical aid from entering the region. As a result, humanitarian agencies estimate that more than 900,000 are in famine conditions, with over 2 million more on the brink of famine. These numbers were relatively accurate as of half a year ago, right before the complete siege on Tigray started. It is therefore very likely that numbers in famine are even higher today. 

The Ethiopian Government’s Response 

The Ethiopian government has played an active role in covering up the deliberate agricultural destruction in Tigray, along with all the other atrocities taking place. The Ethiopian government’s efforts to prevent Tigrayans from farming was acknowledged by Abebe Gebrehiwot, former deputy head of Tigray’s interim government, in May 2021. Abebe admitted that Tigrayan farmers were impeded from farming, especially around the towns of Shire and Hawzien. In addition, he described how vehicles transporting seeds were blocked from reaching areas beyond Kobo, south of Tigray. Abebe confirmed that these efforts were meant to “Let the people of Tigray perish with starvation.”

Immediate Action Needs to be Taken

In Article 8(2)(b)(xxv) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the prohibited act of starvation is defined as “intentionally using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare by depriving them of objects indispensable to their survival, including willfully impeding relief supplies as provided for under the Geneva Conventions.” 

The humanitarian crisis in Tigray is presently the world’s worst hunger crisis, and it is an entirely man-made catastrophe orchestrated by the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments. The international community  shall not ignore what is happening in Tigray and the crimes being committed through starvation. Instead, it must take a firm stand against the use of hunger as a weapon of war and genocide and immediately demand Ethiopia end its blockade on Tigray to save the lives of millions.

The genocidal war in Tigray is being waged on multiple levels. In addition to massacres, widespread sexual and gender-based violence, crop burning, property expropriation, looting, displacement, and forced migration, Tigrayans are suffering the effects of a man-made famine.

This famine has most severely affected children, pregnant women, and nursing mothers; the Tigray External Affairs Office reported in November 2021 that the global acute malnutrition (GAM) rate among children aged 6 months to 59 months was 32. At that time, 28,541 children had been diagnosed with severe acute malnutrition, and malnutrition rates among pregnant and lactating mothers stood at 85 percent.

In his efforts to subjugate the people of Tigray, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has deliberately engineered a famine, with tactics including roadblocks to obstruct the delivery of aid into Tigray. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA) and Tigray’s External Affairs Office, between July 2021 and January 2022, 20,000 trucks should have entered Tigray, however, only 3,000 trucks (15 percent)  made it into the region. The famine has been officially acknowledged as man-made by the United Nations (UN) and other official organisations on multiple occasions, and they have also stated that it could be remedied by government action.

In June 2021 the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) reported 350,000 Tigrayans as experiencing catastrophic famine conditions. This is the highest number of people placed in this category (IPC 5) in the last 10 years, making Tigray’s hunger crisis the world’s worst in a decade. The same IPC report acknowledged 4 million people – 70 percent of the population – to be at acute risk of famine. The Ethiopian government’s blockade of Tigray and the telecommunications and internet blackout it has imposed on Tigray means this number may be even higher.

In July 2021 the United States estimated the number of Tigrayans experiencing catastrophic famine conditions to be closer to 900,000 people. This number has not been updated since, as humanitarian organizations hardly have any access to the region, especially rural areas where the hunger crisis is most likely the worst.  Meanwhile, in a terrifying interview with the BBC that same month, Abiy Ahmed stated “There is no hunger in Tigray.”

What About the ‘Unilateral Ceasefire’?

On June 28, 2021, the Ethiopian government declared a ‘unilateral ceasefire,’ allegedly for humanitarian reasons, including agricultural production and aid distribution. However, this announcement concealed what was in fact a shift in strategy; under the guise of peace-making, the Ethiopian government began a complete siege on the region. Since this ‘unilateral ceasefire,’ conditions in Tigray have only worsened.

Hunger Crisis in Internally Displaced People (IDP) Camps

Due to the blockade and extremely limited humanitarian efforts, those living in IDP camps rely on the residents of their host communities to feed them, communities that are often struggling to feed themselves. Famine-like conditions were limited to rural areas until early July 2021, when they spread to more urban areas, including villages surrounding Mekelle. In September 2021, the Tigray External Affairs Office (NPR) reported that  “[A]t least 150 people starved to death in August, 2021, including in camps for [internally] displaced people.” At that time, August 2021, over 20 percent of displaced children were reported to be acutely malnourished as were 79 percent of pregnant and nursing women. In January 2022, 29.1 percent of children under 5 were reported as suffering from acute malnutrition, and 7.1 percent had been diagnosed as having severe acute malnutrition.

Restriction of Access to Information

Ethiopia is a famine- and drought-prone region that has suffered from recurring food shortages. Prior to the war, Ethiopia had already implemented government information systems for tracking, predicting, and classifying food security outcomes. From 2011 to 2017, these systems reported 78 percent accuracy by UN-backed IPC standards (PIA-six case studies). Many reports of malnutrition were made before the complete blockade starting in June 2021, yet this did not stop the government from imposing the blockade and decreasing access to food, water, fuel, medicine, and other necessities.

The actions of the Ethiopian government have made it impossible to obtain accurate and up-to-date information on the crisis; United Nations Emergency Relief Coordinator Martin Griffiths has stated that it is “difficult to know exactly what the situation [is] on the ground in Tigray because of a de-facto aid blockade and lack of fuel.” The reality is likely to be much worse than that given in official data.

Instead of publicly acknowledging the emergency, Abiy Ahmed’s government has denied the famine in Tigray that it has caused.

Restriction of aid

The Ethiopian government has heavily restricted internationational humanitarian organizations’ efforts to alleviate the suffering in Tigray and speak up about the humanitarian blockade by threatening removal access, and the government has made their position explicit. Reports of insecurity have been framed as politically motivated, and humanitarian groups have been accused of supporting Tigrayan fighters. Some aid officials have been expelled for speaking publicly about the government’s role in perpetuating famine. For example in October 2021, seven senior UN officials were told to leave the country, accused by the Ethiopian government of ‘meddling in internal affairs.’

The Secretary-General of the UN, António Guterres, who has rarely spoken out about the dire situation in Tigray, was ‘shocked’ by the decision to expel aid officials, stating that “in Ethiopia, the UN is delivering lifesaving aid – including food, medicine, water, and sanitation supplies – to people in desperate need.” Restricting the ability of the UN and other humanitarian organisations to help the people of Tigray is a core part of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s strategy.

Worsening Famine and Need for Immediate Action

According to the Associated Press, humanitarian workers estimate that more are dying of starvation than recorded; in addition to the intentional restriction of access to information, many deaths are occurring in remote areas or areas controlled by invading forces.

Ethiopian and Eritreans forces have used hunger and starvation as a tool of genocide. Not only have they restricted access and imposed a complete siege on the region, these forces have looted and intentionally destroyed crops and prevented farming during the war, severely disrupting food security in Tigray. The famine is ongoing in 2022 due to limited crop production alongside the continuing fighting and the siege.

In response to the June 2021 BBC interview in which the Prime Minister of Ethiopia stated “There is no hunger in Tigray,” the head of the U.S. Agency for International Development, Samantha Power, stated “This is false.” It is time for the entire global community to explicitly acknowledge this terrifying disparity. Concrete actions must be taken to halt the man-made famine and genocide in Tigray, beginning with ending the siege of Tigray and expediting aid to those who need it the most.

Tigrayans have faced an unimaginable level of cruelty and hate since Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed began waging a genocidal war on Tigray in November 2020. However, Tigrayans and those who have followed Abiy’s political decisions since he came to power recognize that his goal of weakening Tigray existed prior to November 2020. Those Ethiopians who seek the destruction of Tigray and Tigrayans feel nothing but animosity toward Tigrayans and their steadfast commitment for self-determination exhibited throughout Ethiopian history. In the past year, we have seen how the suffering of Tigrayans has been fully welcomed and supported by Abiy loyalists and Ethiopian activists who had longed to see Tigray dismantled.

Brief overview of the genocidal war on Tigray

Prior to officially waging the genocidal war on Tigray, Abiy took multiple measures to weaken Tigray and Tigrayans. Soon after coming to power, Abiy proceeded with signing a “peace pact” with Eritrea’s dictator Isaias Afewerki, ending the era of “no war, no-peace” Ethiopia and Eritrea were in following the 1998 border war. The peace pact with dictator Isaias earned Abiy a premature Nobel Peace Prize, giving him a level of assurance that he would be supported in the political and military decisions he was preparing to lay out in the name of reforming Ethiopia’s political and economic structure. 

In the first two years of being in power, Abiy dismissed Tigrayan officials who did not agree with his political agenda of centralizing power. He also allowed Amhara regional militia to blockade roads to Tigray, reduced Tigray’s budget, and hindered the fight against locust infestation in the region in 2020. He then accused Tigrayan leaders of being unlawful and against Ethiopia’s unity when they refused to join his newly formed Prosperity Party and when they indicated their interest in proceeding with their constitutionally mandated regional elections in September 2020. 

On November 4, 2020, Abiy accused Tigray’s elected leaders – the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) – of attacking federal troops at a military base in Tigray. However, political analysts and diplomats in the region have since confirmed that there were evident signs of preparations to attack the TPLF and Tigray prior to November 2020, with Abiy and dictator Isaias actively sharing military intelligence and visiting each other’s military bases in the months prior to the war. Initially, the Abiy administration claimed that the war on Tigray was a “law enforcement operation” that would be completed in days. 

Within weeks of the declaration of war, it was clear that this was no law enforcement operation. Reports covered by local and international news outlets trickled out from Tigray, showing evidence of the war crimes and crimes against humanity that were being committed on Tigrayans. There were horrific stories of massacares, sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and intentional destructions of Tigray’s infrastructure. To make matters worse, Tigray has been under a complete communication blackout since the war began. 

Tigrayans Face Extermination, the International Community Remains Idle

As Tigrayans around the world pleaded for the international community to take action against the atrocities committed in Tigray, a staggering number of Ethiopians found comfort in knowing of Tigray’s destruction and the subjugation of its people. The international community became concerned about the chaos unfolding in Ethiopia, but did not take any concrete actions to stop the genocidal war on Tigray. Then, in June 2021, the Tigray Defence Forces (TDF) recaptured Tigray’s capital city of Mekelle and most Tigrayan cities and towns, offering hope to Tigrayans who had been suffering under the occupation of Ethiopian, Eritrean, and Amhara forces. 

The Abiy administration responded to TDF’s success with a siege on Tigray, heavily limiting the flow of humanitarian assistance and enacting a complete telecommunications blackout, hindering reporting on the crisis. The Abiy administration also showed little to no appetite for negotiation with Tigrayan leaders – as they were now labled a “terrorist organization.” The TDF responded by attempting to find an end to the siege and the humanitarian crisis in Tigray through military means: they proceeded to Addis Ababa. For Tigrayan leaders, military advancement seemed like the only option to save Tigrayans from the man-made famine and destruction waged upon the entire population.

As the TDF pushed towards Addis Ababa, Abiy and dictator Isaias supporters who felt threatened by the fall of Abiy’s administration became wary. They organized the No More movement that initially blamed Tigrayan leaders, Western governments, and Western media for the chaos in Ethiopia. Supporters of the No More movement organized protests demanding an end to international interference in Ethiopia’s internal matters, which happens to be a state-sponsored genocide against Tigrayan. 

Far from the reality on ground, it appeared as though Abiy and Isaias supporters assumed the TDF was advancing to Addis with the approval of Western countries. However, Western countries, including the United States, condoned TDF’s push towards Addis Ababa and called for the parties to find a path for peace. Meanwhile, the Abiy administration was busy planning further attacks on Tigray with the help of Eritrea’s dictator Isaias and purchasing drones and heavy weaponry from Turkey, Iran, China, and UAE. Ultimately – this movement has only helped justify Abiy’s actions and approves of the crimes he continues to commit in Tigray. 

The No More Movement Approves the Destructions of Tigray

The No More movement activists have taken different approaches in pushing their campaigns – from blaming Tigrayans and Tigray’s elected leaders for what was happening in Ethiopia to claiming that the movement is a Pan-African one that calls for “no more interventions in Ethiopia,” and in Africa more broadly. The campaign has dismissed the suffering of Tigrayans, the real intention behind Eritrea’s dictator Isaias and Abiy’s collaboration, and the illogical and irrational anti-Tigray sentiments that had provided the basis for the support of the war. Not surprisingly, Ethiopian government officials have used the campaign to their advantage in justifying and covering up the crimes in Tigray. Some experts who have followed the situation in Ethiopia have in fact indicated that the movement was initiated by Ethiopia’s intelligence agency. 

The movement has attempted to propagate and give credibility to what Abiy and Isaias supporters have wanted the world to believe about the genocidal war on Tigray. It blames Tigrayan victims and Tigray’s elected leaders for the humanitarian crisis in Ethiopia, and paints those committing these egregious crimes while repeating the mantra of One Ethiopia as patriots and Pan-Africanists. 

What has surprised most Tigrayans who consistently plead for peace and an end to the siege on Tigray is that Abiy supporters show no interest in the silenced voices of Tigrayans who are suffering. Nor do they heed Tigrayans who have long been saying no to foreign military assistance in the war and calling out foreign countries supplying the Ethiopian government with military intelligence and drones to attack Tigrayan civilians in cities and towns as well as public infrastructure. They showed no interest in calling for Pan-Africanism, peace, and negotiations when Abiy waged war on Tigray or when they saw reports of Tigrayans’ tremendous suffering as a result of the genocidal war. 

If Ethiopian unity was ultimately the goal of pro-Abiy Ethiopians, one cannot help but wonder why they have stayed silent regarding the war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocidal acts committed in Tigray during its darkest hours. Ethiopia would not be where it is today if Ethiopians collectively denounced the attack on civilians and the crimes that were being committed in the name of unity. Unity cannot be achieved through violence and the extermination of a people. 

Yet pro-Abiy Ethiopians and the No More movement chose to blame Western countries for the chaos in Ethiopia, while giving Abiy a green light to use every method to dismantle Tigray and Tigrayans.

For many Tigrayans, the No More movement symbolizes the cover-up of the crimes committed in Tigray, those cheering for the massacres and starvation taking place in Tigray during this genocidal war, and most of all, the hate towards the Tigrayan identity and quest for self-determination. Sadly, the movement is nothing more than an illustration of Ethiopia’s betrayal of Tigrayans during Tigray’s darkest period.

To declare the genocidal war on Tigray a “civil war” involving only those within Ethiopia is a gross misunderstanding of reality. A substantial amount of the responsibility for the atrocities committed against Tigrayans during the war lies with non-Ethiopian actors collaborating with Ethiopia, including (but not limited to) China, Eritrea, Iran, Somalia, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). 

Brutal invading military forces, foreign drones, and other weaponry acquired by the Ethiopian federal government have been used to commit genocide against the people of Tigray. The Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) has not fought a just war in any sense. The Ethiopian government has committed human rights abuses, war crimes, and violations of international law to eradicate Tigrayans with the support of foreign countries and their military personnel, equipment, and intelligence. The genocidal war on Tigray has always been an international affair, considering Eritrea’s involvement in the early planning, preparations, and implementation of a war that has now lasted over a year.

Eritrea’s Involvement 

In 2019, the Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed won the Nobel Peace Prize for “resolving the Ethiopian-Eritrean border conflict” through a “peace pact” with Eritrea’s dictator Isaias Afewerki. It has become increasingly clear that the forged deal was part of a conspiratorial plan between the two countries to invade Tigray and destroy the leaders of Tigray’s elected government, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The Europe External Programme with Africa (EEPA) reported that Eritrean troops were already beginning their invasion of Tigray in the town of Gerhu-Serenay one day prior to what is considered the official start date of the war, November 4, 2020. There are additional reports of Ethiopian and Eritrean military preparations prior to waging the genocidal war on Tigray, during which Abiy and Isaias shared military intelligence and operational capabilities. There is video footage of Abiy and Isaias visiting their respective countries’ military bases — extremely unusual behavior for the heads of state of two sovereign countries. 

Amid reports of the unlawful presence of Eritrean forces in Tigray, the Ethiopian government fabricated an assortment of statements to deny Eritrean involvement. This denial by the Ethiopian government lasted several months while Eritrean forces occupied Tigray and unleashed an extensive series of vicious human rights abuses and war crimes against the people of Tigray, including destroying infrastructure, extrajudicial and mass executions of civilians, looting property and supplies, and systematic rape. Further, Eritrean troops contributed significantly to the unfolding famine in Tigray by setting ablaze farmlands, destroying farming tools and irrigation systems, and slaughtering livestock in an attempt to systematically starve the people of Tigray.

Finally, after international recognition of undeniable evidence of Eritrean involvement and human rights abuses, the Ethiopian government admitted to the presence of Eritrean troops in Tigray in March 2021, and the Eritrean government agreed to withdraw their forces from the region. However, this action has yet to be fulfilled despite sanctions by the United States and the U.S. Senate unanimously passing a resolution to call for the withdrawal of Eritrean troops from Tigray. Eritrean troops continue to commit atrocities in the Tigray almost one year after the reneged agreement for withdrawal; sometimes these troops wear the Ethiopian military uniform in an attempt to disguise their presence. Their presence within Ethiopian borders has only increased, as Eritrean troops have been reported in other Ethiopian regions, including Afar and Oromia.  

There are also credible reports of Eritrea’s intelligence taking an active role in Ethiopia’s capital, working with the Ethiopian government to identify Tigrayans to send them to concentration camps across Ethiopia and Eritrea. Most recently, after a withdrawal of the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) from the Afar and Amhara regions in December 2021, there are credible reports of Eritrean forces committing crimes in Tigray on several fronts.

Somalia, Turkey, Iran and many more

In addition to Eritrean involvement in the genocidal war on Tigray, the Ethiopian government under Abiy has internationalized the conflict in several ways. Deadly border clashes and territorial disputes between Ethiopia and Sudan have increased, resulting in tension between the two countries and their allies, compromising the safety of current residents as well as refugees fleeing across the border. In Somalia, the military fighting has spilled over; an outbreak of fighting between African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) and Ethiopian soldiers attempting to disarm Tigrayan officers resulted in fatalities. Further, the United Nations received information that Somali soldiers who were trained in Eritrea accompanied Eritrean troops crossing into Tigray in allyship with the genocidal forces. An investigation by The Globe and Mail revealed details of atrocities allegedly committed by Somali soldiers backing the Eritrean forces in Tigray. According to Tigray’s interim administration Chief of Staff Gebremeskel Kassa, top Ethiopian officials had knowledge of Somali troops being trained in Eritrea leading up to the war, as a result of a military deal between Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia.

Battlefront developments over the last year have made it clear that the ENDF and its allied forces struggle militarily and therefore consistently rely on foreign military assistance and war crimes amounting to genocide to fight their losing battle. For example, these forces have consistently committed weaponized sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) against the women and girls of Tigray. As stated by the former Secretary-General of the United Nations Ban Ki-moon, weaponized SGBV “can be every bit as destructive to communities as more conventional weapons,” especially considering the scale at which weaponized SGBV has been unleashed on Tigray.

Moreover, the Ethiopian government has been purchasing drones from countries like Turkey to terrorize civilians by conducting airstrikes injuring and killing scores of Tigrayan civilians as frequently as multiple times in one week. In the first two weeks of 2022 alone, over 100 civilians in Tigray have been killed by targeted airstrikes. As a NATO member, Turkey should uphold the NATO standard and values of protecting human rights; however, by providing Ethiopia with aerial weapons, Turkey is supporting the genocidal war against Tigrayans. The Turkish government violates a core tenet of NATO by selling arms to a government which has committed countless atrocities, including using sexual violence as a weapon of war.

There have also been reports of alleged use of chemical weapons by the Ethiopian government against Tigrayans, from which several civilians suffered from severe burns characteristic of chemical phosphorus burns. According to internal sources, as reported by EEPA, these chemical weapons would have potentially been purchased in China, Russia, and Ukraine, indicating further foreign involvement in the genocidal war on Tigray.

Drones from the United Arab Emirates

Another belligerent foreign actor in the genocidal war on Tigray is the United Arab Emirates (UAE). At the start of the war in November 2020, Tigrayan forces confirmed that the UAE was assisting the Ethiopian army with drones dispatched from an airbase in Eritrea. These drones were responsible for neutralizing Tigrayan forces and the success of Ethiopia and its allies in the early days of the conflict. As the TDF made significant military gains throughout November 2021, the Ethiopian government turned once again to the UAE for military support. This renewed partnership between Ethiopia and the UAE has been confirmed by satellite imagery and reports from Aljazeera.  

An estimated 119 cargo flights from the UAE to Ethiopia have been recorded since August 2021, while there were 15 cargo flights between Iran and Ethiopia during the same period. Through remnants of missiles at the sites of airstrikes, the bombing of civilians in Alamata, Tigray in December 2021 has been linked to Chinese-made machinery purchased by the UAE.

In October 2021, U.S. Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffery Feltman announced that the Ethiopian government was venturing on “a bombing campaign while using drones from questionable sources, including reportedly from U.S. adversaries.” General Tsadkan Gebretensae of the TDF recalled that there were 10 drones in the sky at once, indicating the intensity with which the Ethiopian government has deployed aerial weaponry. Foreign-supplied drone use has played a significant role in the genocidal war on Tigray, affecting TDF supply lines and causing indiscriminate civilian injuries and deaths. Additionally, survivors of these aerial bombardments are unable to receive medical care due to Tigray’s deliberately decimated health system which has been targeted by the ENDF, Eritrean troops, and allied militias. Humanitarian aid agencies have chosen to cease operations in Tigray “due to the ongoing threats of drone strikes.”

Conclusion

Supporters of the Ethiopian government make contradictory claims, as they decry foreign intervention while cheering on the involvement of foreign countries like Eritrea and Iran in the genocidal war on Tigray. It is evident that the Ethiopian government and its supporters welcome foreign involvement as long as it sponsors the complete destruction of Tigray. Similarly, relevant parties and allied nations of countries directly involved in the war have shown varying levels of concern and interest, which is clear in their actions or lack thereof. Several countries have demanded the immediate departure of their nationals from Ethiopia, while employees of international organizations such as the United Nations have been detained.

The genocidal war has been internationalized in several aspects, including the influx of Tigrayan refugees into neighboring countries like Sudan. Territory disputes and revanchism has fueled violence, particularly in western Tigray and northern Tigray, resulting in the mass detentions and executions, and forced expulsion of Tigrayans from their homes. While the Ethiopian government resorts to foreign involvement to commit crimes against humanity, Tigrayans are forced to seek refuge outside of their homeland, change their identity, or get hunted-down by neighborhood vigilante groups in their own homes. Instead of protecting its Tigrayan citizens, the Ethiopian government has taken all measures to alienate them and have them viewed as foreigners throughout the country.

Foreign involvement in the genocidal war on Tigray thus far has had an incredibly deadly impact  amounting to war crimes and violations of international law. The international community must take action to mitigate the impacts of genocide and the rapidly deteriorating humanitarian crisis. The Ethiopian government must cease all acts of ethnic cleansing and genocide, accompanied by the verifiable withdrawal of Eritrean troops from Tigray and the immediate cessation of foreign-backed weaponry sold to Ethiopia. Drone expert Peter W. Singer said the experimentation of drone warfare in Ethiopia parallels situations where outside powers used conflict as a means to test new military technologies and observe what level of weaponry is tolerated by the international community. He then added that the use of such technology does not guarantee a win, and that “Human will is what determines the outcome of war,” — a statement that embodies the defiant and unwavering will of the Tigrayan people.